
Book— 



THE 



OF 

GEORGi: WASHINGTON 

AND 

THOMAS JEFFERSON: 

WITH A PARALLEL. 



" Maecus Cato and Catus C.^sar were both extraordinary men, 
but of a g-enius widely different. Greatness of soul they equally 
possessed, and they equally reached the summit of glory; yet it was 
a g'lory peculiar to each, and certainly acquired by very opposite 
me thods. " — S allust. 



BY STEPHEN SHVEPSON. 



PHILADELPHIA : 

PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY HENRY YOUNG, 

N.-E. Corner of Passyunk Road and Shippen Street. 

1833. 






one 



Eastern District of Pennsylvania, to wit: 

Be IT Remembered, 

O-iii?^ That, on the twenty-second day of March, A. D 
^«^^ thousand eig'ht hundred and thirty-three Stephen 
5W;# Simpson, of the said District, hath deposited m this 
^^m|r Office the title of a book, the title of which is in the 

^^^X?^ following words to wit : 
^ The Lives of George Washington mid Thomas Jef- 
ferson, with a Parallel.^ 
* Marcus Cato and Caius C^sar were both extraordinary men, but 
of a eenius widely different. Greatness of soul they equally pos- 
sessed and they equally reached the summit of glory; yet it was a 
Siy Pecuhar to each, and certainly acquired by very opposite me- 
thods C,Wi:st. By Stephe. Simpson. The right whereof he 
ctms as Author, in conformity with an Act of Congress entitled 
' An Act to amend the several Acts respecting Copy-rights. 
FRANCIS HOPKINSON, 

Clerk of the Eastern District. 



//^^ 



DEDICATION. 



TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Fellow Citizens, 

This volume, containing the Lives of the 

TWO GREAT FOUNDERS OF THE AMERICAN 

REPUBLIC, GEORGE WASHINGTON and 
THOMAS JEFFERSON, is respectfully de- 
dicated to you by the Author, in the hope and 
expectation, that their common services to their 
Country, and their joint labours in rearing the 
inestimable fabric of our free constitution, 
may endear their virtues, wisdom, and patriotism 
to future generations : and that posterity 
may derive as useful a lesson from the history 
of their lives, as their own generations experi- 
enced blessings from their labours. 

In the example of great and illustrious men, 
our children will always find the best and 
most instructive lessons of social duty, and 
public spirH: and how^ever you may be divided 
by party, or differ in principle, you cannot fail 
to derive a lesson of wisdom and tolerance from 
the historical fact ^ that the tivo great Fathers 
of our liepublic^ who differed so vitally upon 
the genius and nature of our federal govern- 
ment, both administered its supreme functions^ 
under the same Constitution^ with an equal 
measure of liberty, happiness, and prosperity to 
all. 

STEPHEN SIMPSON. 

Hamilton, March 17, 1833. 



TO THE READER. 



A DESIRE to diffuse among the people a more intimate 
knowledge of the origin, progress, adoption, and administra- 
tion of the Constitution and government under which they 
live and flourish 5 and to give them a more distinct and 
accessible history of the Uvo great Founders of the Re- 
public, have been among the chief inducements to this pub- 
lication. Having remarked, that, no work of this kind 
was to be procured in a cheap, popular, and current form, 
it occurred to the Editor, that much prejudice might be 
removed, and much information imparted by presenting in 
a shape susceptible of general perusal, the leading events 
of history, and the prominent traits of character, peculiar 
to the two Statesmen, whose lives are here delineated. 
Popular information on these points, is certainly a desidera- 
tum; and the Editor, without presumption, ventures to 
indulge the hope, that this volume may contribute to sup- 
ply a deficiency, which on all hands is acknowledged to be 
a reproach to our national character. Ignorance on any 
subject is disreputable^ but to be ignorant of the genius, 
virtues, and achievements of George Washingtox, and 
Thomas Jefferson, ought justly to raise a blush to the 
cheek of every American. 

In selecting the incidents of the life of Washington, I 
have followed a guide, whose love of truth, and ardour of 
patriotism, was an ample guarantee that he would not mis- 
lead me as to facts; and could not seduce me as to prin- 
ciples; his integrity of mind being only equal to his purity 
of purpose, and lofty independence of character and senti- 
ment — attributes and virtues, which have secured to Mar- 
shall's Life of Washington, the reputation of an ele- 
gant and sterling history of that great man; which must 
cause every American to regret, that its voluminous size, 
places it beyond the reach of the popular reader. 

Towards the venerable author of tliat work, now in the 
age of the Patriarchs, after having consummated the la* 
bours of the Patriot, I cannot withhold the homage of my 



entire esteem ^ not less as the friend and historian of the 
Father of his Country, than as the impartial and upright 
expounder of the laws and Constitution of the Unifed 
States, who, combining the highest genius with the purest 
virtue, presents us with a model of those Statemen, who 
flourished in the days of JVashington, as ornaments of their 
country, and the best friends of rational Liberty. 

The disinterested patriot, might now be permitted to 
cherish the hope, that the time has at length arrived, when 
difference of political opinion need not beget inveterate 
personal animosity; and that variety of views in respect 
to national policy, may be tolerated without that impeach- 
ment of motive, which would originate accusations of har- 
bouring schemes of monarchy on the one hand, or disor- 
ganizing tenets of Jacobinical licentiousness on the other. 
In this matter, the venerable Chief Justice has set us an 
example, every way worthy of the father of his Country, 
whose biography he has so elegantly composed, and whose 
creed of political tolerance, he has so faithfully illustrated. 
And whatever may be our opinion of the powers of the 
Court over which he presides, with so much genius, learn- 
ing, and dignity, we cannot abstain from yielding him the 
homage of our veneration and gratitude; veneration for 
his unspotted patriotism, and gratitude for his public 
services; to say nothing of the esteem we cherish for his 
virtues, the admiration in which we hold his talents, and 
the encomiums we are ever ready to lavish on his beautiful 
literary productions; his profound legal investigations, and 
his honest juridical expositions of the laws and Constitu- 
tion of our country. 

The sources from which I have drawn the facts of Mr. 
Jefferson's life and history, are too authentic to admit of 
dispute; being his own pen, and his own letters. We have 
too, on all important points, preferred that he should give 
his own sentiments in his oivn language; so that instead of 
being seen through a mirror, he might be contemplated in 
his own naked proportions of truth and reality; not like 
the statute of Jupiter, in a cold and doubtful resemblance, 
but like the living Deity himself, full of life, and breathing 
immortality. 



THE 



OF 

GEORGE ^YASHIl^GTOK. 



FEW men, either of ancient or modern times, have 
extorted such universal homage from mankind, a^ the sub- 
ject of this biography; whose virtues and prudence seem to 
have supplied what was deficient in his genius — and whose 
genius appears to have supplied whatever might be wanting 
in those political perfections, Avhich are always implied in 
the unity of a great and illustrious character. Equally 
distinguished for public services, and private virtue — as 
eminent in the cabinet for wisdom of council, as he was 
skilful in his plans of war, and brave in the conflicts of the 
field — endowed with the highest patriotism, or love of coun- 
try, mixed with a wholesome ambition, whose end and aim 
was true glory — it is not surprising that mankind should 
have become, as it were, fascinated, by a concentration of 
rare qualities in the person of George Washington, v/liich 
have seldom, if ever, been found so happily united in the 
same individual — or allotted, in such harmonious propor- 
tions, as to produce a character so exempt from all vicious 
excess, as to border close upon perfection; yet, at the same 
time, presenting the full force of all those passions, which 
are so apt to run into violence, degenerate into evil, or be- 
come pernicious and disgusting by their extravagance. 

The contemplation of the life of such a man must ever 
excite the curiosity of mankind, and kindle a feeling of 
laudable pride in the bosom of every American citizen, who 
values the principles of liberty, or appreciates the glory of 
the country to which he is indebted for the enjoyment of 
Lappiness, and the exercise of the rights and dignity of a 

A 



\l THE LIFE OF 

liuman being. Identified with the rise, history, and inde- 
pendence of his country, tlie life of Washington becomes 
a subject of double interest to all, as combining the grea^t 
events of the most memorable revolution recorded in history, 
witli the genius and virtues of an individual, who realises 
the grandeur of ancient heroes, blended with the best traits 
of virtue peculiar to the sages and philosophers of Greece 
and Rome. 

George Washington was born on the 22d of February, 
1732. He was a native of Virginia, the son of Augustin 
Washington, and first drew his breath at Bridges Creek, 
in the County of Westmoreland of that state, in the family 
mansion of his great grandfather, John Wasliington, who 
liad emigrated from the north of England about the year 
I65r. He was the eldest of five cliildren, by the second 
n.iarriage of his father, with Miss Mary Ball, a lady of for- 
tune, vvho had descended from one of the first families in 
Virginia.'The first wife of his father was a Miss Dandridge, 
by whom he had two children. 

By the death of his father, he was left an orphan at the 
tender age of i^xv years ; but his patrimonial estate being 
small, his education was necessarily limited to a mere 
English course of study, while his youth, from the same 
cause, was devoted to pursuits, of useful industry; and it 
appears tliat his first profession was that of a Surveyor, 
which is said to have given him a knowledge of vacant 
lands, that materially contributed to the subsequent in- 
crease of his fortune. 

Being a favourite son, left at a tender age to the care of 
an aftectionate mother, he naturally became an object of 
great solicitude to his surviving parent. 

At fifteen, his propensity for military life became so far 
developed, that he succeeded, by his importunity, in obtain- 
ing the berth oi Midshipman in the British navy; having 
manifested that irresistible enthusiasm for war, which cha- 
racterises an inherent propensity for a particular profession, 
upon the occasion of hostilities being declared by England 
against France and Spain. 

But the fears of his mother induced her to oppose this 
perilous destination of her son, and for a time suspended 
the commencement of his military career. 

At the age of nineteen, he was appointed an Adjutant 
General of Virginia, when the militia were in trainin2: for 



GEORGE WASHINGTOX. 



actual service; which shews that his military talents were, 
even then, highly appreciated. 

At this early period did he develope those clear percep- 
tions, and that sound judgment, which so far contribute to 
the formation of a vigorous understanding, and ensure suc- 
cess in the undertakings of life. Nature, indeed, seems to 
have fashioned his mind in that happy scale of modulated 
and restricted powxr, which, while it endowed him with 
sufficient perspicacity, yet, at the same time, so interposed 
the restraints of judgment and sound sense, as to prevent 
his imagination from exaggerating or distorting the real pro- 
portions, and true magnitude of objects. Thus, though his 
imagination was not vivid, his understanding was vigorous, 
so as to admirably qualify him for the duties of military life, 
as well as the ordinary concerns of the w^orld. These traits 
of his character are delineated in a peculiar and striking 
manner in the various journals which he composed, w^hen 
despatched on public business, particularly that which he 
kept on the occasion of the appointment which was now- 
conferred on him. 

On the 31st October, 1753, having volunteered his ser- 
vices to Governor Dinwiddle, he was commissioned to bear 
the remonstrances of Virginia to the commander of the 
French posts, against their encroachments on the English 
settlements; a perilous duty, which he discharged to the sa- 
tisfaction of the government and the public; but the French, 
bein^ indisposed to retire from the Ohio, the Assembly ot 
Virginia determined to resort to compulsory measures, and 
a regiment was raised, to which Washington was appointed 
Lieutenant Colonel. In this predatory campaign against 
the French and Indians, Washington first distinguished 
himself for that abilit}'^ to manage a retreat, and that pru- 
dent valour which awaits occasion for victory, or can seize 
opportunity to escape disaster, which afterwards so emi- 
nently characterised him. For his conduct on this occasion, 
the Legislature of Virginia passed him a vote of thanks. 

The applause bestowed on his judgment and discretion, 
his valour and his skill, had inflamed his natural passion 
for a military life ; but a distinction having been adopted 
between the officers of the crown and those of the provin- 
cial troops, giving precedence of rank to the former. 
Washington retired from the service in disgust, under a 
deep sense of intended injury and dishonour. 



4 THE LIFE OF 

In this interval between his civil and military life, his 
eldest brother, Lawrence Washington, who had been en- 
gaged in the expedition against Carthagena, having paid 
the debt of nature, bequeathed him the plantation of 
Mount Vernon^ a large estate on the banks of the Poto- 
mac, and named by him after Admiral Vernon, under 
whom he served. George now removed to this delightful 
residence, with the fixed purpose of spending the remain- 
der of his days in the pleasures and avocations of private 
life. But how feeble are all human resolutions ! 

Being invited by General Braddock^ to enter his family 
as a volunteer aid de camp, under very flattering profes- 
sions, Washington, in whom the love of military life was 
a passion, could not resist the temptation, and he accord- 
ingly joined the forces of that commander. In this cam- 
paign, his advice was proved by experience, to have al- 
ways been dictated by the spirit of wisdom ; and his as- 
sistance was of inestimable advantage to the commanding- 
general, who never suftered adverses, but when lie ne- 
glected the suggestions of the sagacity, or undervalued the 
admonitions of the experience of Washington. 

In this disastrous campaio;n against Fort Du Quesne, 
Braddock was defeated and killed ; and Colonel Washing- 
ton, only escaped by one of those miracles of war, which 
sometimes reserve brave men for greater achievements of 
glory. 

Braddock's defeat proved a real victory to Washingtonj 
whose advice, as events proved, had it been followed, 
would have resulted in the victory of the day, and the suc- 
cess of the expedition. His conduct was applauded — his 
discretion extolled — ^his valour admired — so that he was 
considered the flower of Virginia chivalry — and honored 
as the pride and ornament of his native state. 

A new regiment of sixteen companies was now raised 
by the Assembly, and the command tendered to Colonel 
Washington, who accepted the trust under discretionary 
powers never before granted to an officer; so rapid was the 
growth of his fame as a military captain, and with such 
exclusive zeal did he devote the energies of his mind to the 
art of war. 

The year 1755 was remarkable for the horrid ravages 
perpetrated by the French and Indians on the frontier set- 
tlements of Virginia; and Washington was active in stay- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



ing the progress of massacre and destruction: but his ut- 
most exertions did not completely succeed, in this arduous 
undertaking — a deficiency, however, more ascribable to 
the State Assembly, than to their military commander, 
who,^being left destitute of troops, could not accomplish in 
his own person, what would have required a large army to 
effect. 

In the subsequent spring of 1756, a similar irruption of 
the enemy again desolated the inhabited borders of the 
State ; and again, from the inadequacy of his means, was 
Washington incapable of rendering the country any efficient 
service. His mortification and grief, on this occasion, 
were intense 5 and wrung from his benevolent heart the 
wish that he had never accepted his commission. But, 
undismayed, and unwearied, he now directed his energies 
to exhort the Assembly to provide sufficient means to repel 
their savage invaders; and all that wisdom, skill, and 
humanity could accomplish, was done by Washington, in 
the way of advice, appeals and exhortation, to provide 
competent means of defence and aggression. 

Insubordination among the troopl, was a vital defect in 
their means of efficiency; to remedy which, Washington 
appealed in the most forcible manner, until he procured a 
partial remedy for the evil. But the frontiers long conti- 
nued to suflter terrible desolation from the inroads of the 
Indians and French, who came down from the Ohio, like 
a torrent, overwhelming in destruction all that opposed 
their passage, or presented an object for plunder, violence, 
and massacre. 

This era is only important and interesting, in the life of 
Washington, as it affords the first great display of that con- 
summate military genius, which stamped him with features 
so superior to the common order of men. Under public 
disasters which paralysed the very faculty of thought in 
others, he rose with vigour to the emergency of the crisis 
— detected at once the cause of defeat — penetrated to the 
means of victory — devised remedies for defects — supplied 
deficiencies by his invention — explored the country with a 
militai-y eye, that seemed like intuition itself — suggested 
plans of organising the army — selected scites for forts and 
garrisons- — and, in fine, demonstrated to the conviction of 
all, that the commander of the Virginia forces, had been 
gifted bv nature with the highest military genius, which 
A 2 



O THE LIFE OF 

only required to be sustained by competent means, and 
displayed on a suitable theatre, to raise him to an eminence 
of glory, not exceeded by ancient, or modern heroes. Such 
must be tlie conviction of all, who read the papers which 
he submitted to the Governor and Assembly of Virginia, 
upon the state of the country, at that period; and in which 
he strongly recommended them to carry the war into the 
enemy's country, in order to obtain peace and security at 
home. Looking attentively at his conduct, and liis writ- 
ings, of that epoch, there is discernible throughout them a 
spirit breathing the purest ambition of military fame, and 
enthusiastically absorbed in this one darling object of his 
mind. 

From the time of Braddock's defeat, Washington had his 
thoughts fixed on the reduction of Fort Du Quesne, as the 
only means of securing the frontiers from the murderous 
incursions of the savage foe; and from letters written by 
him, under the influence of an impatient thirst of glory, 
and a depressed ambition, denied its proper field of action 
— the impetuosity of his temper — the irritation of his spirit 
— -and the great perspicacity of his intellect in military 
matters, break forth with a lustre, which while it presaged 
his future greatness, at the same time extorts our admira- 
tion.* It was evident, from his own confessions, that, not- 
withstanding his constitutional modesty, he thought himself 
somewhat neglected, and that his merits were not justly 
appreciated by those in power in the mother country, how- 
ever sincerely his services had been applauded by the 
Provincial Assembly. 

The capture, or more properly speaking,, the evacuation 
of Fort Du Quesne by the French — and the cessation of 
Indian hostilities, chiefly to be ascribed to that event, now 
released Washington from all obligations of honor, or 
patriotism, to remain in the army: and, as liis ambition 
could not be gratified by being placed on the permanent 
establishment, he now resolved to retire, especially as his 
impaired health, as well as his private affairs, demanded 
his attention, to place both on a sounder footing. He 
accordingly resigned his commission as Colonel of the First 
Virginia Regiment, and commander in chief of the troops 
of the Colony. On this occasion, the regret and attachment 

' * See Vol. 2, chapter 1, Marshall's Life. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. J 

of his officers were feelingly manifested in a complimentary 
address highly flattering to his private worth, as well as 
military genius. 

Shortly after his retirement from the army, he became 
united in wedlock to Mrs. Custis, a young widow of large 
fortune, fine person, splendid accomplishments, and those 
amiable qualities of the heart and mind, which, operating in 
the circle of love, tend so much to promote the permanent 
happiness of the conjugal state — to inspire and to enjoy 
which, in the highest degree of perfection, appears to have 
been one of the peculiar felicities of his constitution. At 
the time of his marriage, he was in his twenty-seventh 
year. 

Let us here pause, at what we may term the first great 
stage of the life of Washington, to indulge in those natural 
reflections upon his genius and character, which are indis- 
pensable to a just and rational appreciation of the com- 
plexion of his principles, and the power of his understand- 
ing, as they afterwards became more fully developed, in 
the progress of the Revolution — the establishment of Inde- 
pendence, and the adoption of the Federal Constitution. 

The first object for reflection that occurs in the survey 
of this part of his life, was his scanty education, being de- 
nied the benefit of classical instruction, and cast into active 
life at so early an age as fifteen. It is evident, that what- 
ever knowledge, or science, he had acquired at school 
within that term, must have been very limited, if not 
superficial; yet neither in his letters, nor in his active 
duties, does any deficiency from that cause appear: his 
genius happily supplying all defects, and omissions, which 
there may have been in his education. The style of his 
letters, and public papers, was copious, flowing, lucid, and 
elegant. His conceptions are clear — his diction vigwous 
— ^his reasoning close and logical — as if his very exemption 
from the fetters of the classics had given a freedom, bold- 
ness, and elasticity to his mind, which, under their cum- 
bersome weight, it might otl.erwise have wanted: and when 
we consider the inherent power of his mind, it is doubtful, 
whether he could have d^-'ived any advantage from more 
profound studies, in the profession which his genius had 
impelled him to embrace with so much enthusiasm and 
success. 

Viewed in this light, Washington presents us with a 



THE LIFE OF 



striking example of that native force of the American cha- 
racter, in its unsophisticated grandeur, and inartificial 
strength, which has so often caused it to be compared to 
the colossal magnitude of our mountains, and the expansive 
majesty of our lakes and streams. Too great by nature, to 
require the auxiliary aids of art, he could not well have 
been improved by those classical refinements, which add 
vigor to feebler minds, and give grace to the uninspired 
labors of dulness. 

Yet liis education was appropriate to his destination in 
life — it was the education of a soldier. He did not, of 
course, aspire to the profound speculations of the philoso- 
pher; the elegance and taste of the man of letters; or the 
comprehensive and deep researches of the statesman. It 
does not appear that his studies and reading ever led him 
to those elaborate disquisitions, which would have enabled 
him to grasp the theories of government, or conduct him to 
the highest eminences of civil, judicial, or political life. No 
yearnings of liis spirit after such distinctions, are, therefore, 
to be detected in the early part of his life; no political 
pantings — no civil aspirations, ever interfered to jostle his 
thirst of military fame, or cause him to seek distinctions 
which lay out of the natural path of his genius. We are, 
therefore, not to be surprised, that during the whole course 
of the Revolution, he never indulged in an inclination for 
the studies of civil law, philosophy, science, or belles-lettres; 
and that, feeling his strength to lie in the military line, 
he chose to confine it, where it would obtain most splen- 
dour and achieve most good for liis country. It is true, 
that, prior to liis marriage, he had been chosen to the Pro- 
vincial Assembly; and that, at a subsequent period, he took 
his seat in the Congress that declared Independence; but 
on these occasions he was confessedly out of his element 
—he never shone — he never felt at home — and always 
availed himself of the first opportunity to resign the honor 
which he could not embellish with splendour, or convert to 
his own glory; and which did not gratify his feelings, or 
minister to his iavorite passion of military fame. 

It was in accordance with this trait of his genius, that, in 
the incipient stages of the Revolution, he appeared so little 
on the civil theatre of action: and became ratlier a specta- 
tor, than a participator in the political convulsions, which, 
on every side, were distracting the country. In the first 



GEORGE AVASHIKGTON. 



Congress, although his name is enrolled among the dele- 
gates from Virginia, yet he does not appear to have taken a 
prominent part on any of the important committees, on 
which he was placed, or to have borne an active share in their 
proceedings; so adverse were liis habits and genius to civil 
and political pursuits — ^yet, it is not to be inferred from 
this inaptitude of his mind for the discharge of parliamen- 
tary duties, and political functions, that his heart was not 
v/armly devoted to the cause of liberty and independence. 
Still, we have no reason to believe that he ever fon>ented 
the discontent of the Colonies; or inspirited the people to 
sedition, complaint, or remonstrance, against any of the 
oppressive and illegal acts of the mother country. Ap- 
proving, rather than instigating, the revolutionary move- 
ments around him, he became an efficient, though not active 
friend to the cause of liberty and emancipation; and while 
Patrick Henry was hurling the thunders of his eloquence 
against the tyranny of the King — whilst Jay was compos - 
ino- manly and spirited appeals to the justice of the British 
Ministry — and whilst Paine was captivating the ear, and 
winning the hearts of the people to the cause of liberty, and 
the rights of man, through the columns of the public jour- 
nals, and the medium of a free press — Washington, repos- 
ing on the rock of his military genius, was serenely await- 
in» the final catastrophe of the struggle, when, argument 
being exhausted — patience wearied — and negociation inef- 
fectual — the time to draw the sword would arrive, and 
usher him, in the fulness of his vigour, and the maturity of 
his judgment, on his native element of war, to save his 
country, or perish in vindicating her rights, liberty, and 
independence. 

At the same time, however, that he was exempt from the 
ettervescent fervor of sedition, there is ample reason to be- 
lieve that sound whig principles had taken a deep root in 
his mind, and that, although he might not be found enthu- 
siastic in the cause of Independence, yet that he had no 
objection to see the royal government overturned, and a 
republican constitution substituted in its place. His mili- 
tary ambition, which was unquestionably the absorbing 
passion of his heart, (if the harmony of his constitution ad- 
mitted a ruling passion,) had been mortified and disappoint- 
ed by that system of court favour^ in military promotion, 
which had obstructed his advancement on the regular esta- 



10 THE LIFE OF 

blishment of the royal troops, and confined him to the su- 
bordinate rank of a provincial officer — a circumstance which 
had so frequently exposed him to the most acute mortifica- 
tion, when compelled to yield to the arrogant claims of 
precedence set up by the king^s officers, on all occasions, 
over the provincial officers of the colonial governments^ 
which not only checked his ambition, but mortified his 
feelings, at the same moment that it obstructed his ad- 
vancement, chilled his enterprise, and baffled the natural 
bent of his powerful genius, which panted to reach the 
climax of military perfection and renown. 

When we reflect upon the infatuation of the British go- 
vernment, in the preposterous policy of humUiation, which 
they adopted towards the colonies at that period, we are 
struck with astonishment that so little knowledge of human 
nature should have entered into their views and measures, 
and that they should systematically attempt to hold us in 
vassalage by the very means that were calculated to move 
us to revolt and independence — that is, by treating a proud 
spirited people as their inferiors, and attempting to degrade 
men whose besetting sin, if they had one, was a restless 
ambition, and a soaring spirit of enterprise and invention, 
which transcended all that history had ever recorded of 
any other people — a system of policy which directly excited 
the self-love of every man to react against them, and which 
arrayed wealth, talents, and all other possessions in opposi- 
tion to the royal government, notwithstanding the peril of 
the contest which they were compelled to wage. For the 
case of Washington was also the case of a thousand others, 
who, notwithstanding their enjoyment of opulence, ease, 
pleasure, and social distinction, yet panted to attain that 
public eminence which a government of their own only could 
bestow; without much caring 2vhat kind of government 
should be substituted in the place of the foreign despotism 
that then degi-aded as well as oppressed, insulted, and re- 
buked them; without even resorting to the common expedient 
of selecting their choice spirits for preferment, or delegating 
some portion of the power of court favour, and royal patron- 
age to the lordly Governor, who, from time to time, repre- 
sented the imperial majesty of England. 

Next to his passion for war and military pursuits, the 
propensity of Washington was towards agriculture, and 
those collateral avocations connected with the management 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 11 

and improvement of his estate, whose value and increase 
had now swelled his fortune to a splendid magnitude, which 
claimed his attention, and occupied the greater portion of his 
time; and from the period of his resigning his commission 
to the Assembly of Virginia, he had divided his thoughts 
between public affairs and the concerns of his plantations. 

As a member of the Virginia Legislature, he was always 
respected, though never conspicuous; but he was repeatedly 
elected as a delegate to the State Assembly. 

When the independent companies of the northern parts 
of Virginia had completed their organisation, they chose 
Washington for their Commander. So that, whether in 
military or civil pursuits, whenever honor was to be con- 
ferred, or confidence reposed, Washington was always sure 
to be selected as the prominent object of attachment and 
regard to the people. 

Having been elected to the first Congress, he took his 
seat in that body, when it met at Philadelphia, and was 
always chosen as a member of those committees, which 
were appointed for military or defensive purposes; in which 
situations the soundness of his judgment, the firmness of his 
purpose, the integrity of his character, and the imposing 
dignity of his person and address, combined with his un- 
questionable patriotism, enabled him to be of essential ser- 
vice to his country; and although we have from his pen no 
exposition of the abstract principles that constituted the 
basis of our revolutionary struggle, yet he has said enough 
to show that he approved of the ground of resistance, and 
embarked all his feelings and wishes in the great contest 
for national independence. 

To the dignity of his personal deportment, and the awe 
inspiring expression of his noble countenance, Washington 
was, perhaps, as much indebted for his eminence through 
life, as to the pure integrity of his soul, and the unblemish- 
ed disinterestedness of Ms devotion to the good of his 
country. Physically adapted to inspire awe, to kindle 
enthusiasm, or to extort devotion to his person, he was, of 
all the public men of that time, the best qualified to lead 
our troops to victory, or to protect and shelter them under 
defeat. Various and irresistible were the inducements 
that influenced Congress to invest him with the chief and 
exclusive command of the Armies of the United Colonies; 
to wliicli post he was unanimously chosen by Congress on 



IS THE LIFE OF 

the 14th of June, 1775. Among other considerations that 
operated in favor of his selection, may be mentioned his 

treat opulence — ^his experience in military affairs — ^liis 
nown ambition to achieve military renown — -his valour, 
firmness and prudence — his penetrating sagacity — his com- 
prehensive grasp of mind — his faculty of combining detached 
parts into one great whole — ^liis power of conceiving the 
great — executing the dangerous — and embracing the vast — 
together with indomitable courage — exhaustless patience— 
and unconquerable fortitude: — a combination of attributes 
and circumstances so rarely found united in one person, 
that the living example of the model might, without depart- 
ing from the tone of reason, be justly demonstrated a pro- 
digy of nature. 

Endowed with unaffected modesty, this great man, when 
presented with his commission, avowed his sincere diffi- 
dence of his ability for the important trust. 

To add to his merit, he refused to receive any compen- 
sation for his services; with an understanding that Congress 
should discharge his expenses only; of which he pledged 
himself to keep a strict account. How widely different 
from modern patriots, who only seek to serve their country 
for emolument and pay! It is not, however, to be doubt- 
ed, but that the gratification experienced by Washington, 
in his love of military life, proved in itself a profuse remu- 
neration for all his toils and perils. 

A more popular choice of a commander in chief, could 
not have been made. The whole country rang, with one 
united shout of unanimous applause, that an individual so 
well fitted, in all respects, for the arduous duty of the 
crisis, had been chosen to discharge it. 

Still the spirit of liberty was startled into jealousy, by 
the almost absolute military power, with which he had 
been invested; and the address of congratulation present- 
ed to him by the Provincial Assembly of New York, upon 
his arrival in that city, on his way to assume command of 
the army at Cambridge, contained this prudent and jealous 
clause: — 

«* We have the fullest assurances, that, whenever this 
important contest shall be decided by that fondest wish of 
every American soul — ^an accommodation \nt\i our mother 
country, you will cheerfully resign the important deposit 
committed into your hands, and reassurae tne character of 
our v/ortMest citizen. -'' 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 13 

To this candid and undisguised requisition, that he would 
put off his armour, and resign his military power the mo- 
ment that the object of his assuming it should be accom- 
plished, he replied, in the true spirit of the patriot, aware 
of the danger to which the allusion Mas directed; and wil- 
ling to dispel, or assuage all apprehensions of evil, by 
an explicit avowal of his desire to comply with their requi- 
sition. To the flattering address of the Massachusetts Le- 
gislature, he thus replied : — 

'* Your kind congratulations on my appointment and ar- 
rival, demand my warmest acknowledgments, and will be 
ever retained in grateful remembrance. In exchanging the 
enjoyments of domestic life for the duties of my present 
honorable, but arduous situation, I only emulate the virtue 
and public spirit of the whole province of Massachusetts, 
which, with a firmness and patriotism without example, has 
sacrificed all the comforts of social and political life, in sup- 
port of the rights of mankind, and the welfare of our com- 
mon country. My highest ambition is to be the happy 
instrument of vindicating these rights, and to see this devoted 
province again restored to peace, liberty and safety." 

There seems to have been a constitutional trait of diffi- 
dence and modesty in his character; for when the president 
of Congress communicated his appointment, he is said to 
have felt great distress from the consciousness that his abi- 
lities might prove incompetent to the task. On that memo- 
rable occasion, he uttered the following remarkable senti- 
ment : — 

.... '*But, lest some unlucky event should happen un- 
favourable to my reputation, I beg it may be remembered 
by every gentleman in the room, that I this day declare 
with the utmost sincerity, I do not think myself equal to 
the command I am honored with." 

Upon his arrival at the army at Cambridge, Washington 
found the disorganization so great, as to demand his imme- 
diate and exclusive attention, in order to place it on a more 
systematic and substantial basis; well knowing that without 
harmony, discipline, and subordination, even strength be- 
comes weakness, and numbers lead to defeat, instead of 
commanding victory. Although he was mortified to find 
not only defects in discipline, and an alarming deficiency 
of ammunition, yet these very evils, by calling up all his 
energies into action, not only conduced to his own fame, 
B 



14 THE LIFE OF 

but contributed to the ultimate safety of the country, and 
the immediate success of the American arms. Thus, the 
very first effort of the military genius of Washington, by 
being directed to the efficient organisation of the army, 
demonstrated the wisdom of the choice which Congress had 
made, in conferring on liim the chief command of the con- 
tinental forcesj to which, it cannot be doubted, we were 
solely indebted for the triumph of our arms, and the final 
establishment of our independence. 

Whatever of military glory beams around the imperishable 
laurels of Washington, and it is sufficiently brilliant not to 
want increase, still it must be lamented, that he did not 
participate in the fame of Breed's Hill, or what is com- 
monly termed ^^the Battle of Bunker^ s Hill.'''' 

To make up for this stroke of ill-fortune, or omission of 
fortune, Washington devoted himself so assiduously to 
the blockade of Boston, that the British not only found it 
impossible for them to harass the surrounding country, or 
attempt a battle, that they became streightened for provi- 
sions, and suffered much from this deprivation, which, 
owing to the perpetual vigilance of the American comman- 
der, they found it impossible to remedy. 

But the short terms of enlistment on which the army 
had been formed, now began to occasion serious embarrass- 
ment to the commander, who, the more his desire increased 
to drive tlie British from that town, the more his means of 
accomplishing such an object vanished from his grasp; a 
disappointment the more mortifying, because public opinion 
had long been anticipating its reduction, under a false im- 
pression of the exaggerated strength of the forces under 
General Washington, who, as the blockade became further 
protracted, began to be an object of public censure; indeed 
ike. popular clamour against him proceeded so far, as to in- 
sinuate aloud, that he was more desirous of prolonging the 
war, in order to continue his own importance, than to ter- 
minate it by a battle, which might consign him to private 
life. Although not insensible to this unjust censure, yet 
he could not repel the imputation without exposing the 
real weakness of the American troops; and he preferred to 
suffer in his own reputation for the moment, than to injure 
teh cause of freedom, by disclosing a weakness which 
might prove fatal to the triumph of whig principles. The 
conviction of his own judgment against the policy of an 



GEORGE WASHINGTON^. 13 

attack, was strengthened by the concurrence of a council 
of war; fortified by which, he even ventured to disregard 
the wishes of Congress in favour of an attempt to expel the 
British forces from Boston. 

Although averse to an immediate attack, Washington 
continued to make gradual approaches towards the town, 
by erecting fortifications on Plowed Hill, Cobble Hill, and 
Lechmere's Point; positions considered favorable to pre- 
sent, or ulterior operations: and these approaches having 
been carried within half a mile of the enemy's works on 
Bunker''s Hill, gave rise to occasional cannonading which 
drove their floating batteries from their original stations. 

Up to this period, the winter of 1775, the professed 
object of hostilities against Great Britain, had been an 
accommodation with the royal government, on condition of 
having the principle of non-taxation without representation, 
recognised by the mother country. A redress of griev- 
ances, not national independence, was the avowed object: 
it was said to be a war against a corrupt ministry, not 
against the British Crown. But this tallacy could not 
long delude the public mind; or blind men of the most 
doltish perception to the real tendency of a contest, which 
had assumed an attitude so mortal, inveterate, and exter- 
minating. It was natural, too, that a people who only 
started tor a redress of grievances, should, as they pro- 
gressed, and felt themselves strong enough for self-govern- 
ment, and powerful enough to vanquish their oppressors, 
at last turn their thoughts to the subject of national inde- 
pendence, and project the total abolishment of the King's 
authority, and the royal government. No doubt the most 
discerning and sagacious politicians foresaw, from the com- 
mencement of the collision, that it must ultimately assume 
the character of Revolution and Independence. No doubt 
a majority of the great leaders of oppugnation wished, if 
they did not directly design it to be so; but with the great 
mass of the people, it wore a more humble, a more just, and 
a more practicable complexion, in the mere object of guard- 
ing the substance of the privilege of representation in the 
Imperial Parliament, by conceding to the Colonies the 
sole and sovereign right of self taxation; being excluded 
by local circumstances from a representation in Parliament. 
But open and avowed measures for the establishment of a 
government independent of tlie mother country were now 
adopted. 



16 



THE LIFE OF 



Massachusetts and Virginia were the first to open the 
path to this arduous and dangerous enterpnse, by making 
application to Congress for advice as to the best mode of con- 
ducting their aifairs, under existing revolutionary movements; 
and other provinces following the example, the question 
of separation from the mother country naturally arose, in 
opposition to those who maintained that the connection 
which formerly subsisted should still be preserved. Go- 
vernments for the Colonies totally independent of the mo- 
ther country, were advocated by some, whilst others, more 
timid, or less inclined to liberty, espoused the restriction 
of such governments to the continuance of the dispute then 
pending with Great Britain — thus leaving open a door by 
which to return into the arms of monarchy and dependence. 
At this period, indeed, the idea of separation was so little 
countenanced, that great opposition was made to a resolu- 
tion granting to New Hampshire even the restricted go- 
vernment to which I have just alluded — that is, *' during 
the continuance of the present dispute with Great Britain;" 
and every endeavour was systematically made to impress 
on the public mind, that a separation was not intended: 
an effort which contributed to produce an impression, if not 
an effect, the very opposite of what was designed. 

How far Washington participated at this period in these 
opinions, or whether he interfered in them at all — to which 
party he inclined, whether in favour of separation, or of 
monarch^/, I have no means of ascertaining; but it is most 
probable that he did not anticipate the growth of popular 
opinion, or attempt to quicken it into maturity in favour of 
a separation. This conjecture is rendered probable, be- 
cause it accords with his general reserve, political cool- 
ness, passive observation, strict prudence, and lofty habits 
of dignity, reflection, and acquiescence; for, except in 
matters of military bearing, his intellect seems rarely to 
have been quickened to that stage of excitement, which 
would impel him to take a deep interest in the mere politi- 
cal questions of the day. This conjecture, too, is strictly 
conformable to his military attitude, which might in some 
measure forbid a zealous and active espousal either of sepa- 
ration, or prolonged adhesion to the monarchy of Britain. 

The siege of Boston was now prosecuted with renewed 
vigour by Washington. A plan of attack was matured and 
adopted; and, on the 4th of March, 1776, the American 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 17 

troops took possession of the heights of Dorchester, from 
which they poured a heavy cannonade on the besieged. 
Counteracting movements were made by the British gene- 
ral (Howe) to dislodge the troops of Washington from this 
position; but the forces of the former being dispersed by a 
storm, while in their boats, the whole plan of defence was 
changed; and the English evacuated Boston on the 17th of 
March, much to the chagrin of the American general, who 
had projected a scheme of assault upon the town, which he 
did not doubt, would prove entirely and splendidly trium- 
phant. 

The recovery of Boston by the American army consti- 
tuted an important event in the war; and the whole colo- 
nies rang with peals of joy upon the achievement. It was 
'* resolved, that the thanks of Congress, in their own name, 
and in the name of the thirteen United Colonies, whom they 
represent, be presented to his excellency General Wash- 
ington, and the officers and soldiers under his command, for 
their wise and spirited conduct in tlie siege and acquisition 
of Boston, and that a medal of gold be struck, in commemo- 
ration of this great event, and presented to his excellency; 
and that a committee of three be appointed to prepare a let- 
ter of thanks, and a proper device for the medal." 

The expedition into Canada in 1775, especially that 
against Quebec, although planned with consummate abi- 
lity, as far as it respected the military arrangement of the 
operation, yet proved extremely disastrous to the Ameri- 
can arms, notwithstanding the heroic bravery displayed by 
the Generals, MontgoiTiery, Arnold, and Thomas; who, as 
soldiers and commanders, performed all that genius, valour, 
and judgment could accomplish. But the great defect of 
the plan, was the vast disproportion that existed between 
the means and the end. The project having originated 
with Congress, on the avowed expectation of annexing Ca- 
nada to the thirteen United Colonies, it met with the con- 
currence of W^ashington, and has been made to redound to 
his glory, although fraught with nothing but defeat, disas- 
ter, and a useless, or worse than useless, expenditure of 
lives, money, resources, and credit. The enterprise was 
altogether too vast, and the scene of its execution too remote, 
to be justified on any principles, or views, not exclusively 
military. It was based on an assumption of exaggerated 
resources in the United Colonies, which not onlv did not 

B 2 



18 THE LIFE OP" 

exist, but it is difficult to conceive how any impartial mind 
could have imagined that it was possible to exist. Although 
I am willing to concede to Washington, therefore, as much 
applause as he could justly lay claim to, for the military 
arrangements of the expedition into Canada, yet, as it 
respects the political elements of the design, as far as they 
implicate the character of the statesman for policy, know- 
ledge, judgment, and a correct appreciation of all the com- 
prehensive relations involved in it — ^it must be admitted to 
detract in some measure from his civic character, and to 
impair the aggregate of that greatness, which belongs to in- 
herent fame, apart fi'om the splendour of military glory. 

It may be said, however, that Congress, by adopting the 
scheme, made it their own, and so far exonerated the Ge- 
neral from all censure due to a project, which aimed at 
such colossal ends, by such pigmy and disproportionate 
means. But this cannot well be admitted; for it was the 
habit of Congress to adopt all his suggestions, according to 
the pledge of adhesion which it had originally given tx) him, 
when it invested him with the absolute and unlimited pow- 
ers of a military Dictator — ^j^owers justified by the crisis, 
and indispensable to the triumphant issue of the struggle 
between the Colonies and the Monarchy. It was, too, 
peculiarly incumbent upon Washington, to restrain, rather 
than excite, to enterprises of such stupendous magnitude; 
for, to him was practically known the insufficiency and fee- 
bleness of the military material of the United Colonies, as 
well as their deficiency in the great sinew of war, 'money! 
— and had he expressed his dissent from the enterprise, no 
doubt can exist that it would never have been attempted. 

It was more unfortunate, however, in its leaving the co- 
lonies naked of the means of vigorous defence, as it ex- 
pended resources, which, at home, would have proved infi- 
nitely more advantageous than abroad, even had complete 
victory attended the Canada expedition. And when we 
reflect, that all the troops engaged in that disastrous cam- 
paign, underwent hardships, and endured sufferings, as well 
as achieved romantic deeds of heroic courage, never sur- 
passed, if equalled — we cannot but express our astonish- 
ment and regret, at the wanton temerity of an enterprise, 
which gave occasion to such brilliant displays of heroism, 
and involved such terrible consequences of defeat. 

Anticipating an attack upon New York by the forces of 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 19 

General Howe, which had evacuated Boston, Washington 
hastened from that place with the main body of his army to- 
wards the Hudson 5 and having reached New York on the 
14th of April, he directed all his energy and resources to 
prepare for the reception of the enemy, and prevent his oc- 
cupation of so important a post; to guard against which, he 
omitted no precaution of defence, which military genius, or 
tlie resources of the colonies, could furnish or suggest. 

But here, as on all other occasions, the deficiency ol the 
material of the troops, in respect to muskets and bayonets, 
presented serious impediments to his efficient operations. 
The want of magazines, clothing, tents, ammunition, and 
arms, was truly lamentable. A loyal and tory population, 
too, not only in the city, but about the surrounding country, 
added to his difficulties, increased his embarrassments, and 
frustrated his designs. This disaffection to the American 
cause had risen to so great a head, as to take the shape of a 
conspiracy to seize and deliver up Washington himself to 
the royal government. In this plot even some of the ge- 
neral's guards were implicated through the arts, intrigues 
and corruption of the royal governor, Tryon, and the mayor 
of the city. That it failed, was rather to be ascribed to 
good fortune, than any defect in the plot, or penetration in 
the intended victim. Some of those who were guilty were 
executed. A similar conspiracy having been exploded at 
Albany, those concerned likewise suffered the penalty of 
death. 

The Congress of 1775 had adjourifed under sanguine ex- 
pectations, that the disputes existing between the Colonies 
and Great Britain, would speedily be adjusted to the satis- 
faction of both parties. But this hope was entirely dissipated 
by the speech of the King to Parliament; while the proceed- 
ings of the latter evinced a disposition the most remote from 
that which would have prevailed had a temper of justice 
and conciliation predominated in their councils. On the 
contrary, an inflexible resolution to subdue the colonies by 
the sword, was manifested by increased and immense pre- 
parations to prosecute with success, the ensuing campaign; 
evincing not only an implacable animosity in the tory ad- 
ministration, but a vindictive thirst of revenge in the Eng- 
lish people. Fully appreciating tlie importance of these 
hostile movements, the colonies were not backward in 
making vigorous preparations to repulse the legions that 



20 THE LIFE OF 

were now to be poured upon them: and it will ever redound 
to the glory of Washington, that, keeping his eye upon the 
movements of the mother country, he now pressed upon 
Congress, in his letters to that body, the necessity of adopt- 
ing measures which would enable him, at the head of the 
army, to protect the country from the ravages and devasta- 
tion of the expected foe. It is to be regretted that Con- 
gress, from the want of experience and judgment, did not 
comply with his requisitions to that extent which was es- 
sential to the consummation of the object aimed at. 

It cannot be thouglit irrelevant to the life of Washington, 
to here advert to the progress which the public mind was 
now making towards the great work of National Indepen- 
dencej which had heretofore been merged in the minor ob- 
ject of obtaining redress of grievances. Anterior to the 
year 1776, an absolute horror was generally expressed, 
whenever the idea of a separation of the colonies from Great 
Britain had been hinted, accompanied by an avowal of 
anxious desire to re-establish the union and harmony which 
had always subsisted between the mother country and 
America. Since blood had been shed, however, between 
the contending parties, an opposite sentiment had gradually 
supplanted the desire of a renewal of political connection 
with Great Britain. To feel affection — to profess alle- 
giance — to desire to cultivate amity with a monarch whose 
armies were desolating our country, giving our homes to 
the fire-brand, our families to the sword, and our all that 
made life valuable, to the rapacity of a band of mercenary 
soldiers; at the same time that we were attempting to avert 
the blow, or retaliate the injury, was not only impossible, 
but unnatural and absurd. It was in tlie nature of the 
human heart to revolt from a power, which thus sought to 
afflict, crush and vanquisli us; and to desire never again to 
hold communion with the bloody and oppressive authors of 
our wrongs and sufferings. Still, on the other hand, pow- 
erful prejudices existetl, to draw back the people to their 
ancient allegiance, and customary form of government. 
Education, habit, all the associations of the mind, and 
many of the affections of family ties, had implanted a deep 
love of the Britlsli government and nation in the hearts of 
the Americans, and made them averse to thinking of a final 
and lasting separation from the mother country. Even as 
late as June 1775, Congress issued a proclamation for a 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 21 

fast, assigning as one of the reasons for its recommenda- 
tion, to ** beseech the Almighty to bless our Rightful Sove- 
reign, King George the Third, and inspire him with wis- 
dom. " These prejudices in favour of remaining under the 
British government now rapidly wore away; and an in- 
creased love and admiration of Republican principles, 
coupled with the desire of Independence, began to take 
root in the minds of the people, especially that portion of 
them who had no ties of aristocratical distinction, official 
pomp, or family pride, to rend asunder by the separation; 
and whose mediocrity of fortune placed them beyond the 
dread which operated on the minds of the more opulent 
and powerful members of society. To this class of citizens, 
too, the public journals of the colonies, now began to open 
their columns in favour of independence. To these fol- 
lowed pamphlets and essays; among which stood in bold 
and prominent relief, distinguished for its eloquence, pa- 
triotism, and energy, the Common Sense of Thomas 
Paine; which, combining great force of language and power 
of argument, with an irresistible array of facts and princi- 
ples, too obvious to be denied, and too reasonable to be 
confuted, carried conviction to every mind, at the same 
time that they enlisted the most ardent feelings in the cause 
of liberty and independence; agitating the calm and tempe- 
rate with a glowing love of country, and infusing irresistible 
enthusiasm into the bosom of the ardent champions of 
the Rights of Man. He boldly attacked with triumphant 
ridicule, and resistless argument, the whole fabric of the 
British Constitution, which had so long been held in idola- 
trous veneration as the paragon of political wisdom; and at 
the same time demonstrated a longer continuance of a con- 
nection with England, to be as impracticable as it was ab- 
surd, dangerous, and inconsistent. Lucid in his style, forci- 
ble in his diction, and happy in his illustrations, he threw 
the charms of poetry over the statue of Reason, and made 
converts to liberty, as if a power of fascination presided over 
his pen. Universally read, warmly applauded, and prompt- 
ly responded to, this pamphlet daily won crowds of zealous 
converts to the rational doctrine of American Indepen- 
dence. It was now perceived and acknowledged, that a 
reconciliation with England was now impracticable; and 
the opinions of Paine soon became the opinions of a large 
majority of the people, who coincided in his principles, 
adopted his views, and embraced his doctrines. 



22 THE LIFE OF 

It is not the purpose of this biography to enter into a full 
discussion, or a minute review of the question of indepen- 
dence: but we may here remark, that the writings of Tho- 
mas Paine have been admitted to have had more influence 
in the accomplishment of the separation of the colonies from 
the mother country, than any other cause; and that preju- 
dice, arising from a secret attachment to the British consti- 
tution, could alone have operated to withhold from his 
name and memory, that lustre and renown, which always 
gathers in clustering glory round the brows of those wor- 
thies, who in times of peril, espouse the rights of the peo- 
ple; and amidst the frowns, thunders, and tempests of des- 
potism, denounce the tyranny of kings, and satirise into 
derision and contempt, the pomp of thrones and the pride 
of monarchs. 

To the genius of Thomas Paine, as a popular writer, and 
to that of George Washington, as a prudent, skilful and 
consummate general, are the American people indebted for 
their rights, liberties and independence. The high opinion 
of Paine, entertained by Washington, and publicly express- 
ed by the latter, sheds fresh lustre on the incomparable 
merits of the great leader of the army of the revolution. 

It was under an impression in part produced by the pow- 
erful writings of Paine, that Congress, on the 6th of May, 
1776, passed a resolution recommending to the Colonies 
to adopt separate and independent governments; and from 
that time they assumed the character and attitude of So- 
vereign States, presenting the sublime and imposing 
spectacle of a free and enlightened people framing their 
own systems of government in virtue of their inalienable 
rights, and inherent sovereignty, and reducing to the cer- 
tainty of written constitutions the boundaries of power and 
the popular fountains of authority. 

Representative democracies were adopted by the difterent 
states, with two branches of legislative and one of executive 
power, limited in most of the states by declarations of rights, 
and declared in all to emanate from the sole spring of 
power, the sovereign rights of the people. 

From this commencement, the step was short to the 
Declaration of Independence of the United States. 

On the 29th of June, 1776, General Howe arrived oft' 
Sandy Hook, with the British army from Halifax, where 
he had wintered his troops, and had waited for reinforce- 
ments; and on the 3d and 4th of July he effected a landing 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 23 

of his troops on Staten Island; previous to vrhich, General 
Washington had been active in removing all the supplies 
that might prove of advantage to the enemy. 

All the energies and resources of Washington were now 
put in requisition, to observe the movements and counteract 
the designs of the military and naval forces of England, 
under the command of Sir William and Lord Howe; who 
were also constituted commissioners to treat for peace^ant 
pardons, seduce traitors, and purchase renegades. These 
commissioners published circulars, addressed to the people, 
exhorting them to return to their allegiance to the crown, 
which were transmitted by Washington to Congress. 

Not only were the people to be boKght, but even the 
general in chief of the army of the United States was to be 
tampered with, or bribed from his duty. Lord Howe ac- 
cordingly despatched a letter with a flag, addressed to 
* George Washington, Esquire,'^ which the General declined 
receiving, because it did not recognise the public character 
with wliich he was invested by Congress, and in no other 
character could he have any intercourse with his lordship. 

This prudent and dignified conduct met with the warm 
approbation of Congress, who immediately passed a special 
resolution, ' that no letter or message be received on any 
occasion whatever from the enemy, by the commander in 
chief, or others, the commanders of the American army, 
but such as shall be directed to them in the characters they 
respectively sustain.' 

To overcome this difficulty of etiquette, without commit- 
ting the royal power, as well as to amuse the Americans 
with the pretence of pacific intentions. Colonel Patterson, 
Adjutant-General of the British army, was despatched on 
shore by General Howe, bearing a letter directed to 
' George Washington, &c. &.c. &c.' He was, of course, 
admitted to an interview with Washington, whom he ad- 
dressed by the title of ' Excellency;' and after the prelimi- 
nary compliments, proceeded to state his business by say- 
ing, that " General Howe much regretted the difficulties 
that had arisen respecting the address of the letters; that 
the mode adopted was deemed consistent with propriety, 
and was founded on precedent in cases of ambassadors and 
plenipotentiaries, where disputes or difficulties about rank 
had arisen; that General Washington might recollect he 
had, last summer, addressed a letter to the * honorable 



24 THE LIFE or 

William Howe;' that Lord and General Howe did not 
mean to derogate from his rank, or the respect due to him; 
and that they held his person and character in the highest 
esteem, but that the direction, with the addition of &c. &c. 
&c. implied every thing which ought to follow." Colonel 
Patterson then laid on the table the letter of which he was 
the bearer. 

Washington unhesitatingly declined to receive it, alleg- 
ing " that a letter directed to a person in a public charac- 
ter, should have some description, or indication of that 
character, otherwise it would be considered as a mere pri- 
vate letter. It was true, the etceteras implied every thing, 
and they also implied any thing. That the letter to Gene- 
ral Howe, alluded to, was an answer to one received from 
him under a like address; which having been taken by the 
officer on duty, he did not think proper to return; and 
therefore answered in the same mode of address; and that 
he should absolutely decline any letter relating to his pub- 
lic station, directed to him as a private person." 

Colonel Patterson then observed, ' that General Howe 
would not urge his delicacy further, and repeated his asser- 
tions that no want of respect was intended. ' 

Some observations then passed upon the treatment of 
prisoners; after which Colonel Patterson said, that "the 
goodness and benevolence of the King had induced him to 
appoint Lord Howe and General Howe his commissioners 
to accommodate the unhappy dispute at present subsisting; 
that they had great powers, and would derive much plea- 
sure from effecting the accommodation; and that he wished 
this visit to be considered as making the first advance to- 
wards so desirable an object." 

The reply of General Washington to this proposition 
was, ' that he was not vested with any powers on this sub- 
ject, by those from whom he derived his authority; but he 
would observe that, so far as he could judge from what had 
as yet transpired. Lord Howe and General Howe were 
only empowered to grant pardons; that those who had com- 
mitted no fault wanted no pardon; and that the Americans 
were only defending what they deemed their indubitable 
rights.' ' This, (Colonel Patterson replied,) would open a 
very wide field for argument:' and after expressing his fears 
that an adherence to forms might obstruct business of the 
greatest moment and concern, he took his leave. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 25 

The substance of this conversation was subsequently 
published by order of Congress. 

The Hessians now began to arrive from Europe, to rein- 
force General Howe; which did not fail to exasperate the 
animosity of the patriot Americans, against what they 
justly conceived to be a wanton and barbarous aggravation 
of the contest 5 for the tomahawk of the Indian was to be 
added to the brutal and mercenary musket of the Hessian j 
and slaves and savages were to be recklessly arrayed in an 
implacable war against a free, civilized, and enlightened 
portion of their own family, their descendants, their chil- 
dren, bound by ties of consanguinity to observe the rules 
of civilized warfare, and bow to the dictates of feeling and 
humanity, which are never incompatible with patriotism 
and duty. 

The British army now amounted to twenty-four thou- 
sand effective men; whilst that of the Americans did not 
exceed ten thousand, who were badly equipped, insuffi- 
ciently furnished with arms, and in a very unhealthy con- 
dition, owing to the want of tents, and exposure to the 
weather. I'he force under Washington was, indeed, any 
thing but efficient; but the obstacles to making it greater, 
were radical, and not to be overcome — these were, the want 
of commerce, the want of money, the decay of credit, and 
a lingering hope, which blasted the energy of preparation 
for vTctory; that a reconciliation would yet render hostili- 
ties useless, and by sheathing the sword, bring back peace, 
and all its attendant blessings. Under all these disadvan- 
tages, however, Washington conceived the design of attack- 
ing the English at Staten Island; but a tempest rising frus- 
trated this intention, and he remained inactive waiting for 
reinforcements, and in daily expectation of receiving an 
attack from the enemy; which he awaited with the more 
anxiety, as his own troops were scattered over an extent 
of fifteen miles, in the occupation of posts, difficult of ac- 
cess, and therefore impossible to be concentrated for sud- 
den emergencies. Under these difficulties and embarrass- 
ments, he thus wrote to Congress : — 

'' These things are melancholy, but they are nevertheless 
true. I hope for better. Under every disadvantage, my 
utmost exertions shall be employed to bring about the great 
end we have in view; and so far as I can judge from the 
professions and apparent dispositions of ray troops, I shall 

C 



26 THE LIFE OV 

have iheiv support. The superiority of the enemy, and the 
expected attack, do not seem to have depressed their spi- 
rits. These considerations lead me to think, that though 
the appeal may not terminate so happily as I could wish, 
yet the enemy will not succeed in their views without con- 
siderable loss. Any advantage they may gain, I trust, may 
cost them dear." 

The tenor of this letter anticipating defeat, might be open 
to severe criticism, but for the lamentable, indeed almost 
fatal disadvantages and embarrassments, under which the 
Americans laboured; and which justify us in averring, 
that no parallel can be found in history of a general main- 
taining the appearance of a belligerent attitude, and sus- 
taining himself against all the deficiencies that beset him, 
with a force so broken, so incompetent, and so transitory. 
Under other circumstances, to have anticipated defeat, 
might have been viewed as highly culpable; but in his ac- 
tual situation, it was a conclusion irresistibly forced upon 
him by circumstances beyond his power to avert, and 
which he possessed no resources to remedy. 

Being now reinforced by several regim.ents from Mary- 
land, Pennsylvania, New' York, and Massachusetts, his 
force was increased to twenty-seven thousand men, of 
whom one-fourtli were on the sick list. 

As Washington now momently expected an attack, and 
.iware that the influence of the first battle might decide that 
of the second, if not involve the ultimate fate of the coun- 
try, he bent all his energies to enforcing subordination, and 
exciting that glow of enthusiasm, which always attends the 
ardent love of liberty; and which in a peculiar manner had 
kindled the indignation of the Americans against the merce- 
nary invaders of their native land. Upon this spirit, 
Washington now in a grea,t measure relied, as a substitute 
for discipline, skill, and experience. His orders to his 
troops, issued soon after the arrival of general Howe, show 
tliat he knew how to call into action this generous passion 
of self-devotion to the love of liberty; and the tone of elo- 
quence of this address, renders it a striking illustration of 
his character, and a beautiful trait in the mind of the pa- 
triot general. 

" The time" (he says) *' is now near at hand, which 
must probably determine whether Americans are to be free- 
men or slaves; whether they are to have any property they 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 27 

can call their own; whether their houses and farms are to 
be pillaged and destroyed, and themselves consigned to a 
state of wretchedness from which no human efforts will de- 
liver them. The fate of unborn millions will now depend, 
under God, on the courage and conduct of this army. Our 
cruel and unrelenting enemy leaves us only the choice of a 
brave resistance, or the most abject submission. AVe 
have, therefore, to resolve to conquer, or to die. Our own, 
our country's honour, call upon us for a vigorous and 
manly exertion; and if we now shamefully fail we shall 
become infamous to the whole world. Let us then rely on 
the goodness of our cause, and the aid of tlie Supreme 
Being, in whose hands victory is, to animate and encourage 
us to great and noble actions. The eyes of all our coun- 
trymen are now upon us, and we shall have their blessings 
and praises, if happily we are the instruments of saving 
them from the tyranny meditated against them. Let us, 
therefore, animate and encourage each other, and show the 
whole world, that a freeman contending for liberty on his 
own ground, is superior to any slavish mercenary on earth. *' 
The anticipations of defeat expressed by Washington in 
his letters to congress, were but too fully realised by the 
victory of Brooklyn, achieved by the British over the 
American army — one of the most signal and disastrous de- 
feats that our arms sustained during the whole war; and to 
justify which, on the part of general Washington, has, I be- 
lieve, never been seriously attempted; for, after making 
every allowance for want of equipment, discipline, and 
subordination, there still appears some deficiency of military 
skill in the movements, positions, and general arrangement 
of the army, which leaves Washington open to much criti- 
cism on the score of military talent. Even Marshall, who 
is disposed never to blame, and always to eulogise t\\Q 
patriot general, admits a want of skill in 'not having 
guarded the road which leads over the hills from Jamaica 
to Bedford.' The truth, however, is, that Washington- s 
great trait of character and genius was a passive fortitude; 
a patience under adversity, and a skill in extricating him- 
self from difficulties, and bearing up against disasters. 
But he wanted some of the genius for active, energetic and 
successful warfare; for brilliancy of attack, fertility of t&-^ 
sources, and promptitude of action, as well as a perfect 
arrangement of his plan of operations. Some idea of t'hU 



28 THE LIFE OF 

deficiency in his military character, may be formed from 
the following extract from Marshall's account of the battle 
of Brooklyn, which occurred on the 27th August, 1776. 

" About half past eight o'clock, the British right having 
then reached Bedford, in the rear of Sullivan's left, gene- 
ral De Heister ordered colonel Donop's corps to advance 
to the attack of the hill, following himself with the centre 
of the army. The approach of Clinton was now discovered 
by the American left, which immediately endeavoured to 
regain the camp at Brooklyn. They were retiring from 
the woods by regiments, with their cannon, when they en- 
countered the front of the British, consisting of the light 
infantry and light dragoons, who were soon supported by 
the guards. About the same time the Hessians advanced 
from Flatbush, against that part of the detachment which 
occupied the direct road to Brooklyn. Here general Sulli- 
van commanded in person; but he found it difficult to keep 
his troops together long enough to sustain the first attack. 
The firing heard towards Bedford had disclosed to them 
the alarming fact, that the British had turned their left 
flank, and ivere getting completely into their rear. Perceiv- 
ing- at once the full danger of their situation, they sought to 
escape it by regaining the camp with the utmost possible 
celerity. The sudden route of this party enabled De 
Heister to detach a part of his force against those who were 
engaged near Bedford. In that quarter, too, the Americans 
were broken and driven back into the woods, and the front 
of the column led by general Clinton, continuing to move 
forward, intercepted and engaged those ivho were retreating 
along the direct road from Flatbush. Thus attacked both 
in front and rear., and alternately driven by the British on 
the Hessians, and by the Hessians back again on the Bri- 
tish., a succession of skirmishes took place in the woods, 
in the course of which, some parts of corps forced their 
way through the enemy, and regained the lines of Brooklyn, 
and several individuals saved themselves under cover of 
the woods; but a great proportion of the detachment was 
killed or taken." 

Though unequal to the achievement of a great victory 
with his present troops. ^^ t'.shiugton was eminently suc- 
'^""';*'ul m conducting the retreat of his army from' Long 
Island; and on the night of the 28th of August, he conducted 
his troops across the East river, unperceived and unmolest- 



GEORGE WASUINGTON. 29 

ed by the enemy, having secured all his stores, baggage 
and ammunition. 

Marshall, commenting upon this retreat, says, *' without 
loss, to withdraw a defeated, dispirited and undisciplined 
army from the view of an experienced and able officer, and 
to transport them in safety across a large river, while 
watched by a numerous and vigilant fleet, require talents 
of no ordinary kind; and the retreat from Long Island may 
justly be ranked among those skilful manoeuvres which dis- 
tinguish a master in the art of war." 

According to this sentiment, retreat^ not victory^ is the 
test of great generalship! But this is fallacious; and 
Washington is in every military aspect of his character, too 
great to require a fallacy to sustain him — he was sl pruderd 
general, perhaps too prudent for his own £j;lory, but not too 
prudent for the salvation of his country; for which we stand 
entirely indebted to that saving quality of his great mind. 
For had he indulged in the ambition of victory only, inde- 
pendent of the fatal consequences of the risk attendant upon 
an impetuous system of perilous warfare, a doubt cannot 
be entertained, that under the defective organization of the 
continental army which subsisted throughout the whole of 
the war, the result must have proved fatal to the cause of 
liberty and independence. 

It must, however, strike the reader with peculiar force, 
that this prudence and discretion was the characteristic of 
the military genius of Washington; and that his judgment 
cannot be praised for the exercise of a quality, which beii.^, 
purely constitutional, was independent of all volition on 
nis part. It w as, perhaps, only after much experience, i\\c.t 
Washington himself discovered, that he was not fully qua- 
lified for those bold and daring achievements of war, which 
are peculiar to men of other and less tender structure of 
the constitution and sympathies. 
• The battle of Brooklyn, no doubt, opened a wide field for 
reflection to the great commander w ho had lost the battk, 
and who, with the paternal affection of a father, had wept 
over the slaughter of his best troops, the flower of his armv, 
and the hope of the nation. It could not have escaped the 
penetration and sagacity of the commander in chief, tbftt 
the design of meeting in the open field, and in pitched bat- 
tles, the disciplined and compact army of the British em- 
pire, in the energy of its colossal structure, and the pirkle 
C 2 



30 THE LIFE OF 

of its well paid battalions, would be little short of the chi- 
merical project of Don Quixote; and experience, as well as 
observation and foresight, had now convinced him that the 
only method of carrying on the war wliich promised ulti- 
mate success, was a defensive policy; an attitude of prudent 
reserve, and a position of alternate attack and defence, as 
circumstances might warrant, or opportunity induce; to 
hang on their skirts, pouring upon them like a torrent in 
their moments of supineness, when lulled into langour by 
contempt, security and triumph; and at less auspicious 
times, retreating before their greater numbers and superior 
discipline. To have a full perception of the wisdom and 
utility of such a policy, is to rise higher in the scale of 
greatness than to be a mere consummate general; for it im- 
plies a concentration of great qualities, wTiich no exclusive 
military commander ever united in his own person. 

Marshall extenuates the conduct of Washington on that 
occasion, by alleging the total destitution of cavalry, to act 
as Videts, in conveying information of the approach of the 
enemy, apparently not recollecting that the cause of this 
deficiency must have been in the commander in chief; for, 
it can hardly be supposed that Congress were to attend so 
minutely to the details of the army as to provide by a specific 
law for Videts. It was competent to Washington, to mount 
his own Videts; or, not having the means to do so, he would 
naturally avoid such a disposition of his army as required 
their indispensable assistance and co-operation to avoid 
defeat, or to secure a victory. It must be admitted that 
he attempted too much for his limited means to accomplish, 
or his peculiar genius to control and direct. 

The effect upon the army was dismaying: whole regiments 
marched home; and it was a common occurrence for compa- 
nies of militia to take their departure, without shame and 
without leave. The prevailing sentiment was that of de- 
spair. A dark and awful cloud hung over the destiny of 
the country. 

Lord Howe availed himself of the despondency of the 
Americans, produced by this defeat, to proffer terms of 
harmony and peace; but the negociations were transitory 
and ineffectual, and both parties returned to their bellige- 
rent operations. 

After some inconsiderable skirmishing, in which the 
American troops entirely failed to preserve their character 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. Si 

for cool and collected courage, an incident almost unavoid- 
able when raw soldiers are opposed to regulars, Washington 
entirely evacuated New York, of which General Howe 
took possession on the 15th September, 1776. 

Washington now moved his troops towards the White 
Plains, and conceived the plan of habituating his men to 
stand lire, by accustoming them to skirmishing. The Bri- 
tish forces having followed him, occasion soon offered to 
test the value of the experiment; a detachment of three 
hundred Hessians and British were attacked, repulsed and 
beaten; the spirits of the American soldiers revived; the 
tone of feeling throughout the army rose higher; and Wash- 
ington personally exerted himself to improve the impression, 
and deepen the consciousness of their own valour and good 
conduct, so as to convince them that they possessed equal 
courage to their enemies, if they were only resolved to 
exert it. 

Devoting his days to the discipline and improvement of 
his soldiers, and his nights to the composition of letters to 
Congress, exhorting them to improve the organisation, and 
add to the efficiency of the army, this good man and virtu- 
ous patriot exhibited a rare example of love of country, 
seldom equalled and never surpassed. 

In one of his letters to Congress at this period, I have 
noted a very extraordinary sentiment, which Washington 
alleges as one of the causes of the inefficiency of the army. 
He says ' I see such a distrust and jealousy of military 
POWER, that the commander in chief has not an opportunity, 
even by recomm,endation, to give the least assurances of 
reward for the most essential services. ' In many other of 
his letters, this effiict of the principles of liberty upon the 
minds and conduct of the soldiers, as loosening the bands 
of discipline, and unfitting them for the control of their 
officers, is mentioned with feelings of eloquent lamentation; 
and no doubt the evils he endured from this source were 
great ! But it was by cotitrast only with the slaves of the 
royal army that it appeared an evil; and great as that evil 
no doubt was, still it was to be preferred to that servile 
and mercenary spirit which bound the Hessians in fetters 
of iron to the commands of their masters. Had the Ame- 
ricans been capable of this servile spirit, they never would 
ha\-e rallied under the banners of liberty, from the love of 
independence, to defend the country against/orez^w tyrants. 



52 THE LIFE OF 

The battle of the White Plains, on the 26th of October, 
1776, was of inconsiderable moment, but left rather a fa- 
vourite impression on the American troops, although the 
loss on both sides was about equal. 

The capture of Fort TFashiiigton, by the British and 
Hessians, on the 16th November, was a more serious aftair, 
in which, however, Washington did not personally com- 
mand. It was carried by storm, owing to some deficiency 
of skill and address in Colonel Cadwalader, who, as he 
retreated towards the fort, suffered his detachment to be 
intercepted and made prisoners. The garrison of two thou- 
sand men were made prisoners of war. This severe loss 
was ascribed to the want of firmness and gallantry in that 
part of the forces under the command of Cadwalader. 

General Washington now commenced his memorable re- 
treat through New Jersey; his army daily melting away, 
from the expiration of their terms of enlistment, as well as 
the despair which began to pervade the minds of all, as to 
the final success of the cause of Independence. Gloom and 
despondency hung over the American army, as well as the 
sacred cause of American Liberty: all seemed to despair 
but Washington, who, erect and undismayed, still reposed 
on the goodness of his cause for final success; and, amidst 
all the difiiculties and darkness that environed him, cast 
his hopes high above human agency, still confident that 
heaven would, jorosjoer the just. He was not disappointed: 
that feeling sustained him — it gave him fortitude under 
adversity — it stimulated his energies to fresh exertion — ^it 
infused hope into his bosom, gave tone to his mind, vigor 
to his actions, sharpened his invention, multiplied his re- 
sources, and added a sublime heroism to the moral and in- 
tellectual power of the man. To this sentiment and this 
trait of his mind, are we indebted for the final triumph of 
the cause of Independence; for the crisis was awful and deci- 
sive. Had Washington quailed, or faltered then, universal 
despair and submission to the royal power would have fol- 
lowed: but when the little band of ragged and half-starved 
patriots, who still clustered about him, sought in his coun- 
tenance, with an anxious and scrutinising glance, for the 
index of their fate, and beheld him serene, unmoved, and 
undismayed, not only void of fear, and above tlie weakness 
of complaint, but apt to encourage the drooping, and inspire 
with hope and confidence the desponding hearts of others. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



their spirits revived, as they read in the inspired serenity 
of his noble countenance, the assurance of future victory, 
and the presage of final glory. 

Upon reaching the Delaware river, Washington found 
himself at the head of less than three thousand men, desti- 
tute of blankets, tents, clothing, shoes, and utensils for 
cooking, almost naked, some of them literally barefooted, 
exposed to tlie piercing blasts of a November and December 
sky: they presented a spectacle well calculated to chill the 
heart of the most sanguine with despair. Such was now 
the army of Washington, in full retreat before the well 
appointed and proud battalions of the king, pampered mer- 
cenaries, overfed Hessians, and luxurious myrmidons; 
compelled to fly before whom was doubly mortifying, and 
doubly disastrous, as the whole country was now beginning 
to desert the American cause, and eager to propitiate the 
royal favour by prompt submission, instead of avenging 
their wrongs by courageous resistance, or vindicating their 
rights in manly combat. 

It Vv'as in such a trying crisis, that General and Lord 
Howe plied the people with the promises of royal grace 
and favour, if they would return to their allegiance, throW 
down their arms, and return to their homes. But this crafty 
and insidious proclamation did not produce an impression 
upon the honesty of one true patriot, however it might suc- 
ceed with the corrupt, or purchase the aiFections of traitors. 

Washington removed his baggage and stores to the south 
side of the Delaware, and sent his sick to Philadelphia; 
whilst he remained with the efficient part of his army on 
the Trenton side, in the vicinity of that town. 

The British forces under Cornwallis continued at Bruns- 
wick; but the evident design of the enemy was to take pos- 
session of Philadelphia; to prevent which, Washington 
made the best disposition which his scanty means allowed. 

Being reinforced by two thousand troops from Philadel- 
phia, Washington advanced towards Princeton, for the pur- 
pose of attacking the English; but Cornwallis having also 
been reinforced, made rapid advances from Brunswick, by 
a"diiferent route, in order to get into the rear of the Ame- 
ricans. Washington again retreated, and found it neces- 
sary to pass the Delaware on the 8th of December; having 
previously secured the boats, and broken down the bridges. 

As the rear guard of Washington crossed the river, the 



34 THE LIFE OF 

van of the British appeared in sight, their main body taking 
post at Trenton; whilst detachments were marched above 
and below the town, in order to perplex the Americans as 
to the point at which they designed to attempt a passage. 

Lines of defence were now drawn by General Putnam 
from the Schuylkill to the Delaware; while General Miftlin 
was despatched to Philadelphia to superintend the safety 
of the numerous stores in that city. 

Washington displayed unusual vigilance and skill in the 
means he now adopted to prevent the British from effecting 
a passage of the river. 

Vigorous efforts were made to rouse the militia of Penn- 
sylvania, Maryland, and Delaware; and General Mifflin 
was deputed to make an excursion through the different 
counties of Pennsylvania, in order to rouse the citizens to 
an immediate defence of the city and country. General 
Jirmstrong was also despatched on this important errand. 

General Gates was now ordered to join Washington from 
the northern army, and General Heath was likewise ordered 
from Peckskill. General Lee was also ordered to con- 
centrate; but he was taken prisoner at a farm house three 
miles distant from his army; but his forces were promptly 
marched to the main army, by General Sullivan, on whom 
their command now devolved: so that, with these and other 
reinforcements, the American army was now increased to 
seven thousand effective men. 

The British now retired into winter quarters. Four 
thousand were cantoned on the Delaware, at Trenton, Bor- 
den town, the White Horse, and Mount Holly, to th2 Hack- 
ensack; while strong corps were posted at Elizabethtoivn , 
Brunswick and Princeton. 

Washington, however, still distrusted their intention of 
remaining inactive, apprehending that the British general 
was only waiting for the freezing of the river to make his 
way to the city that winter. 

During tlie respite afforded by the inactivity of the Bri- 
tish forces, to Washington, he employed his attention by 
representing fully to Congress the causes of his defeats and 
weakness, and invoking them to place the army on a per- 
manent foundation, more competent to a successful and 
creditable prosecution of the v/ar. In the course of tliesj 
letters, his aversion to a dependence on militia is strongly 
expressed; and it will elucidate his great character, as well 



GEORGE WASHmOTON. 35 

as explain the nature of the mat erial thsit, in a great mea- 
sure,^ wought American Independence, to quote a few pas- 

'' Could any thing,'' he asked, '' be more destructive of 
the recruitmg business, than giving ten dollars bounty for 
SIX weeks service in the militia, who come in, jou cannot 
te liow—go, you cannot tell when— and act, you cannot 
tell where,- who consume your provisions, exhaust your 
stores, and leave you at last at a critical moment. " 
h.l! '^'u?'^' ^^^ the men I am to depend on ten days 
nence. 1 his is the basis upon which your cause will rest 
and must forever depend, until you get a large standing 
army, sufficient of itself to oppose the enemy. '^ ^ 

In order to complete his view of what he considered an 
h.v?n^''i-'''^^^^''^ '^f^^' ^'^ suggested the expediency of 
having Ills powers enlarged, which would enable him to act 
more treely and decisively, without that tediousness and 
W^o'"^ ' ^ constant application to Congress to sanction 
his measures and enterprises, necessarily caused, and which 
dpi;^. V'l^i'^ ^^^ ^^'^ conceived designs. Aware of the 
1 wn,7/ this suggestion, and of the objections to which 
tZ} Vrohmy^iye rise, he added, -This might be 
rTteH.tnf?''^'\T^"i P"^"^'^ ^"« dangerous to be en- 
rl" • ^i^ ^'^ '^^''^'^ ^"^^ ^^''^^^■' t^^t desperate diseases 
ihTZfU^'"'f mne^ie.. He could with truth declare 
that he telt no lust for power, but wished with as much 
fervency as any man upon this wide extended continent, 
for an opportunity of turning the sword into a ploughshare: 
but his feelings as an officer and as a man had been such as 
to force him to say that no person ever had a greater choice 
of difficulties to contend with than himself." 

Having already adopted measures not within the scope 
of the powers conferred on him by Congress, and havin- 
urged many others he thus excuses and^ justifies the n^ 
fraction of his authority:-he said, - It mly be thought I 
ain going a good deal out of the line of my duty to adopt 

tllZ^TT'f''-: ^^'^''^ *^^"^ ^''^^y- ^ character to lose, 
an estate to forfeit, the inestimable blessings of liberty at 
stake, and a life devoted, must be my excuse.'^ 

Perhaps no human being ever embraced tlie cause of his 
country from motives less sordid, interested, and impure, 
than did George Washington: and whatever may have been 
his ambition to serve his country, or to acquire military 



36 THE LIFE OF 

glory, every thought of his mind was honest, every pulsa- 
tion of his heart was the pulsation of patriotism. But his 
habits of thinking, his modes of action, and his settled prin- 
ciples, were not of that relaxed character which assimilated 
to the idea of loose government, democratic principles, or 
popular sovereignty. Educated under the royal govern- 
ment, accustomed to the aristocratical forms of society, and 
prejudiced in favour of the rigid discipline of the standing 
armies of England, he naturally inclined to give a prefer- 
ence to those modes of action, which combined the greatest 
vigour and decision in their results, without being in the 
slightest degree less friendly to the cause of liberty and in- 
dependence. It v/as the habit of thinking and acting, pe- 
culiar to a lofty and decisive mind; a habit which had been 
strengthened by his experience and observation of the fatal 
and pernicious consequences of that loose and relaxed sys- 
tem of action, attendant upon the ideas of equality, gene- 
rated by revolutionary principles, and the unbounded tenets 
of liberty. The time has long since passed, if it ever ex- 
isted, when the purity, the patriotism, or the public virtue 
of Washington could be suspected or impeached; but the 
discrepancy of his ideas and modes of action, from the re- 
laxed character of the democratic principles so prevalent 
among the people in 1776, as well as at the present period, 
have been too frequently observed, and too severely criti- 
cised, to be passed over, in exhibiting a trait of his charac- 
ter, which he was himself conscious required explanation, 
if not apology, under the jealous restrictions of republican 
authority, and the sovereign rights of a free and equal peo- 
ple. That this discrepancy was the result of echtcatiofi, 
habit, and the disastrous military experience of an ineffi- 
cient army, organized on the loose system of a democratic 
militia, is now matter of historical fact; which never can be 
permitted to impugn the purity ol his patriotism, or detract 
from the resplendent glory of his public services and stu- 
pendous fame. How far that discrepancy operated at a 
subsequent period to produce party collisions, and lead to 
inauspicious ideas of power, will appear in the course of 
this work. 

As the lapse of every day reduced the strength of the 
American army, it increased the gloomy prospect of the 
capture of Philadelphia by the British forces, should the ice 
of the Delaware become strong enough for the passage of 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 6/ 

the troops* To this disastrous event Washington looked 
with a foreboding of evil, greater than had yet occurred to 
harass and depress him; for it was justly apprehended, that 
should the city fall into the hands of the enemy, tlie im- 
pression of the American cause having become desperate, 
would prevail on the public mind so far as to deter the 
people from enlisting, or even the militia from taking any 
part in so hopeless a struggle. 

The impending crisis roused all the energies, and called 
forth all the resources of the mind of Washington; and iie 
resolved to achieve some signal enterprise, that should win 
back pul lie opinion in his favour, and wipe off the discredit 
of his past reverses and defeats; and for this purpose, he 
now conceived the bold plan of attacking all the British 
posts on tlie Delaware at the same instant. The result of 
this enterprise, was the battle and victory of Trentox, on 
the morning of the 26th of December, 1776^ achieved by 
Washington in person, at the head of 2400 continentals; 
■on which occasion 1000 prisoners were taken, six field 
pieces, and a thousand stand of arms. Owing to the ob= 
structions caused by the ice in the river, that part of the 
plan intrusted to Generals Irvine and Cadwalader, proved 
abortive; but the whole plan of attack was admirably con- 
•ceived; and nothing but the inclemency of the elements 
saved all the British posts from destruction, Washington 
recrossed the Delaware with his prisoners and spoils. It 
appeared that the British troops generally were in a pro- 
fouiidsleep, the effect of intoxication and debauch indulged 
in on the Christmas festival. 

The British general was struck with astonishment. 
Congress received the intelligence with exultation; and the 
spi' its of the whigs throughout the country revived. From 
the depth of despair a sun -burst of liberty and triuniT»h 
broke upon their gloom and despondency; and from being 
plunged in utter despair, the lovers of freedom were sud- 
denly elevated to the summit of hope, victory, enterprise 
and valor. Public opinion, always capricious and seldom 
just, now became as loud in sounding the praises of W^ash- 
ington, as it had before been sullen and morose, if not un- 
just, in covering him with censure and rebuke. 

Being reinforced by fifteen hundred men from Pennsyl- 
vania, and having concentrated his small army, Wasliing- 
ton resolved to resume active operations; for which purpose 



38 THE LIFE OF 

he recrossed the Delaware, and again took post at Trenton, 
Avith tiie intention of proceeding to Princeton and Bruns- 
M'ick, wiiere the military chest was deposited belonging to 
the enemy; but Lord Cornwallis having advanced upon him 
from New Yoik, again placed him in one of those critical 
situations to which he a\ as so liable to expose himself, and 
from which he was so celebrated for the power of extrication. 
He now found himself in front of the whole Biitisli army, 
hemmed in on all sides; so that Cornwallis calculated, with 
certainty, on '-making sure icork of him in the morning.' 
Bu Washington, having held a council, determined to change 
his post, and 'march silently in the night by a circuitous 
route, along the left flank of the British army into their 
rear at Princeton.' Tliis movement was skillfully accom- 
plished. The American army decamped, and A\hen morn- 
ing broke, Cornwallis found that his expected prey had 
eluded his grasp. Washington accomplished Ins object; 
he surprised and captured a regiment at Princeton; while 
Cornwallis hastened his march back to Brunswick, to se- 
cure the stores from the meditated attempt of the American 
general. 

On this occasion, the admiration and applause bestowed 
by the British officers on this masterly movement of Wash- 
ington, was equ^l to their surprise and mortification, at his 
liavino; escaped tlie toils of the veteran troops of the King: 
so, I'lat if he exhibited any want of skill in falling into tlie 
predicament, he more than made up for it by the splendid 
display of generalship manifested in his retreat towards 
Piinceton; and which the merest accident prevented from 
resulting in a brilliant achievement, which must have co- 
vered the British general forever with irretrievable disgrace. 

It was at tliis period, that Robert Morris, a talented and 
opulent merchant of Philadelphia, remitted to Washington 
five hundred pounds in specie; which proved of the most 
essential service to the American cause. 

Washington now retired to Morristown, where he placed 
!iis troops under cover, and gave them that repose of wliich 
they stood in absolute need; but his army was enfeebled 
almost to dissolution by sickness, and the expiration of the 
terms for which liis men had been enlisted. 

It is evident from these successes, that whatever reason 
Washington might have for his preference of regular troops 
to militia, yet that his most creditable victories were achiev- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 39 

ed by patriot husbandmen taken from the plough, v/hose 
courage and love of liberty proved a substitute for disci- 
pline and experience. 

Still 'shadows, clouds and darkness,' rested on the issue 
of the war; and though the spirits of the whigs were revived, 
their confidence of success was not fully restored. 

To meet the magnitude of the crisis. Congress, who had 
adjourned to Baltimore, authorised AVashington to raise 
sixteen additional regiments; and clothed him with almost 
absolute power for the conduct of the war. 

Towards the close of 1776, Congress began to turn their 
attention towards'i^mnce for aid to prosecute the war; and, 
with a view to enlist foreign powers in the cause of Ameri- 
ca, adopted and published resolutions of their unalterable 
determination never to accept of any terms of accommoda- 
tion from England, which did not fully recognise and 
acknowledge their independence. These resolutions fell 
into the hands of the English, and were published in the 
London papers. 

Perhaps no man ever lived, wlio had been accustomed 
to the scenes of blood and hardship inseparable from war- 
fare, more humane and merciful than General Washington; 
and it was, therefore, with the utmost reluctance and pain, 
that he at last adopted the policy of retaliation in respect to 
English prisoners, w\iich Congress nad urged him to adopt; 
and which the conduct of the British officers, prior to the 
arrival of General Howe, had rendered so indispensably 
necessary to check the barbarity, and curb the insolence of 
the royal army. Tiie preposterous idea, that the American 
soldiers ought to be treated as traitors and rebels to a go- 
vernment which they had solemnly renounced, in a great 
general convention of the people, was, however, too glaring 
to be long persisted in, notwithstanding the leaven of tory- 
ism and royalty, which aided to give it the colour of jus- 
tice, and thus lessen the turpitude of their own conduct, 
by casting the blackest stigma of infamy on the friends of 
liberty and independence. Yet the same humanity which 
caused Wasliington to be averse to inflict the measure of 
retaliation upon his British prisoners, induced lum eventu- 
ally to resort to it, wlien apprised of tlie cruel sufferings of 
the Americans on board of the British priso)i ships — suffer- 
ings which will forever tarnish the escutcheon of British 
heroism, with the trait of politic cruelty, and assimilate the 



40 



THE LIFE Ot 



character of the commanders of the English armies of that 
time, and the English ministry, to the barbarous cruelty of 
the inquisition of Spain, who tortured their victims to bring 
them to the true faith, as the British tortured the American 
prisoners, to compel them to embrace the royal cause, and 
enlist under the banners of the King. 

No sooner, however, had Washington resolved to act on 
the principle of retaliation, and to treat every British pri- 
soner as the English treated the American prisoners, than 
General Howe became sensible of the impolicy/ of their con- 
duct, and agreed to fix on a cartel for an exchange of pri- 
soners j ll)us happily terminating an important question not 
less interesting to humanity, than important to the princi- 
ples involved in the law of nature and of nations 5 and to 
infringe which, under any temptations, on the part of the 
English, will ever continue to excite astonishment and ab- 
horrence. 

Having experienced the most serious evils and embarrass- 
ments in his operations, by the dread which his troops en- 
tertained of the small pox. General Washington Mas in- 
duced to have his whole army inoculated with that disease, 
whilst in winter quarters in 1777. His prejudice against, 
and iiis distrust of the militia continued to increase, so 
much so, as to induce him to countermand a projected at- 
tack against Rhode Island, when he made this emphatic 
observation: * It is right not to risk a miscarriage: until 
we get our new army properly establislied, it is our busi- 
ness to play a certain game, and not depend upon militia 
for any tiling capital. ' 

Washington now confined his operations to small skir- 
mishing parties, which, while they harassed the enemy, em- 
boldened the Americans. But his force was constantly 
fluctuating, from the great numbers of militia who almost 
daily left him, and often left him before any others liad 
arrived to supply their places; exposing him to the constant 
danger of having his positions forced by the British. It was 
a great source of mortification to Washington, that when 
the militia left his camp, they carried off blankets and arms, 
which ought to have been reserved for the regular troops, 
thus inflicting a real injury, as well as producing a negative 
disadvantage. 

Although unimportant in themselves singly, the losses in 
the aggregate sustained by the British army during the 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 41 

winter, were greater than those they had suffered at Tren- 
ton and Princeton^ yet far beneath the hopes which had 
been cherished by the American general, whose energetic 
mind submitted, with great reluctance, to this necessai'#| 
restraint on his movements. 

Having made arrangements that he should be reinforced 
towards the close of the winter of 1777, by fresh troops 
from New Jersey and Pennsylvania, it was resolved by 
Congress, ' to be their earnest desire to make the army un- 
der him sufficiently strong, not only to curb and confine 
the enemy within their present quarters, and prevent them 
from drawing support of any kind from the country, but by 
the divine blessing, totally to subdue them before they can 
be reinforced.' 

But this desire was not gratified. The quotas expected 
from the States did not arrive; and Washington was under 
constant apprehensions that his positions would be attacked 
and carried by the enemy; or, tliat availing himself of his 
superiority, lie would advance to Pliiladelphia and capture 
the city. 

March arrived, and still found him unprovided with ade- 
quate means to attempt offensive operations against the 
enemy. 

In answer to the letter of Congress enclosing the resolu- 
tion above alluded to, Washington observed, "Could I ac- 
complish the important objects so eagerly wished by Con- 
gress, confining the enemy within their present quarters, 
preventing their getting supplies from the country, and 
totally subduing them, before they are reinforced, I should 
be happy indeed. But what prospect or hope can there be 
of my affecting so desirable a work at tliis time.^ the en- 
closed return, to which I solicit the most serious attention 
of Congress, comprehends the whole force I have in Jersey. 
It is but a liandful, and bears no proportion on the scale ot 
numbers, to that of the enemy. Added to this,, the major 
part is made up of militia. The most sanguine in specula- 
tion cannot deem it more than adequate to the least va- 
luable purpos-es of war." 

As a precautionary measure, i\\e- boats on the Delaware 
were secured, and the public stoics deposited in remote- 
places, least exposed to the desigrrs of the enemy. 

All hopes of being able to strengthen the army so as to. 
enable the comnix^nder to destroy the British forces durin«- 



42 The life o^ 



the winter being now abandoned, Washington extended his 
views to measures exclusively connected with the prosecu- 
tion of the next campaign* 

One of the most formidable obstacles to the efficient pro- 
secution of hostilities was the depreciation of the continen- 
tal paper money. 

It was at tliis period that the resort to the States, as 
sovereign and efficient governments, for an increase of the 
army, was adopted; and to the States Washington now ap- 
pealed, to increase and hasten their quotas of troops for 
the common defence. These appeals were conceived in 
the spirit of the patriot, and executed with the eloquence 
of genius, warmed by the love of liberty, imbued with the 
ardour of enthusiasm, and enforced with that xeal which a 
laudable military ambition, combined with love of country, 
were so well calculated to inspire. 

At this period, he suggested to Governor Henry of Vir- 
ginia, that coercive tneasures might be resorted to, to fill 
the ranks of the army; and emphatically disapproved of the 
volunteer system, who were to serve for six months. The 
coercive system was, of course, never resorted to. 

The States now conceived the plan of retaining continen- 
tal regiments for local defence, on the ground that the ene- 
my having complete possession of the sea, might annoy and 
harass each part, while the force raised for its defence 
would be removed to the main army, at a point too remote 
to come to the assistance of the State invaded. To oppose 
and put down so pernicious a scheme, demanded all the 
power of remonstrance, so peculiar to the genius of Wash- 
ington, who triumphantly exploded the selfish, short-sighted 
and injurious scheme. 

To an analogous project, that each State should organise 
a body of regular troops, as a substitute for their militia^ 
he was likewise opposed, on the ground that such regular 
troops would come in competition with the army of the 
United States, weaken its force, retard its completion, and 
eventually diminish, instead of augmenting the common 
strength and general ability to assail the enemy, or to repel 
his aggressions. But his opposition against this measure 
was not equally successful, although it for a time suspend- 
ed the execution of the scheme; ftr, at a period not long 
after, the States did resolve to raise regular troops for their 
individual defence. 



GEORGE WASHINGTOX. 43 

We may here note, that, even at this early period, arose 
the germ of that cause of dissention between the States and 
the general government, which have produced, at several 
subsequent eras, controversies, questions and parties, that 
have inflamed the minds of the people, and endangered the 
peace and permanency of the Union. In Washington, his 
advocacy of consolidated power in the union was a preju- 
dice of the purest patriotism, combined with a militarjr love 
of energetic power, which had its origin not less in his de- 
sire to vanquish, by a single blow, the enemies of his coun- 
try, than the thirst of acquiring glory b^r brilliant feats of 
arms, or decisive victories, or trophies of valour, skill and 
patriotism. Still, however, it had so much influence, as 
indeed all his opinions had, whether founded in reason or 
engendered by prejudice and habit, as to prove the founda- 
tion of a party, which embraced nearly all the wealth, ta- 
lent and intelligence, arrayed on the side of the whig popu- 
lation: for, such was the confidence reposed in him — such 
the idolatrous aifection cherished for his virtues, his talents 
and his patriotism, that reason itself shrunk from the task 
of testing the soundness of his opinions; while justice al- 
ways took it for granted, that what Washington decreed 
could not be wrong, and that what he uttered was alike 
sanctioned by truth, and confirmed by honesty. With such 
a moral weight of popular power attached to his name, it 
was natural that all who partook of the same military ar- 
dourj the same love of energetic authority, and the same 
desire to behold the American army a colossal engine of 
stupendous power, should coincide in views which aimed 
to concentrate all the energies of the States in the grand 
focus of the general government, presenting the magnificent 
spectacle of a consolidated empire, compensating by its 
vigour and eftect for the absence ot that freedom, which, 
while it relapses, enfeebles j and while it protects, often 
leads to momentary distraction, or casual licentiousness,. 

It was natural, however, that the principal advocates for 
this consolidated power in the union, should be found 
among the officers of the army, or those invested with au- 
thority under the confederac}'^; for the States, and the peo- 
ple of the States generally, do not appear to have implicitly 
adopted the sentiments of Washington upon this question. 
Marshall, who had embraced the views of Washington in 
their widest extent, has the following passage, which shows 



44 THE LIFE OP 

that even in that crisis of unexampled danger to tlie liberty 
and independence of the country, the States were decidedly 
opposed to the plan of consolidation. He says, ' the soli- 
citude of the State governments to retain witliin their re- 
spective limits, and tor partial objects, a part of the force 
raised for the general defence, was not the only interference 
with the plan formed by tlie commander in chief for the 
conduct of the ensuing campaign. ' The other interference 
to which Marshall alludes, was a resolution of Congress of 
the 10th of April, 1777, ' that a camp be immediately 
formed on the western side of the Delaware, to which the 
continental troops in Philadelphia, and on their march from 
the southward and westward, should be ordered to repair 
with all expedition.' 

The plan of the campaign formed by Washington, was 
to take possession of Middlebrook, on the high ground* to 
the north of Brunswick, as a point from which he might 
with facility move to the highlands on the Hudson; antici- 
pating that the enemy would move in that direction, which 
induced liim to request Congress that the camp on the west 
of the Delaware might be composed of militia. 

In May, he broke up his winter camp at Morristown; 
and on the 28th of that month took post on the heights of 
Brunswick, with an army amounting to 8000 men, 2000 of 
whom were on the sick list, and a large proportion raw re~ 
cruits, foreigners, and servants, in whom the General does 
not seem to have reposed confidence. General Arnold, 
who was at that time in Philadelphia, was invested with 
the command of the camp on the west bank of the Dela- 
ware. 

The object of the campaign, on the part of the British 
commander, was the acquisition of Philadelphia, having 
fi^st subdued New Jersey, then crossing the Delaware on a 
portable bridge, and proceeding on to the city; hoping 
that, by this measure, tlie American army could be brought 
to a general action on equal ground, when, by its signal 
defeat, the war would be brought to a close. 

Wasliington now occupied his strongly fortified camp at 
Middlebrook, to attack which was full of danger; and 
yet to pass on to the Delaware, and leave the American 
army in his rear, was not in accordance with the prudent 
temper of General Howe; he, therefore, determined to try 
the effect of manoeuvre, in enticing Washington out of hfa 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 45 

encampment; but Washington penetrating the object of the 
enemy, remained immovable in his camp; and Howe, not 
inclined to give his adversary any advantage, retired sud- 
denly to Amboy: whence, after several manoeuvres and 
some skirmishing, Howe crossed his army to Staten Island 
on the 30th of June, preparatory to embarking his forces 
for the Delaware, or Chesapeake. Uncertain, however, as 
to the final destination of the British army, Washington 
made his dispositions for any contingency that might occur; 
and advised Congress to make every preparation to ward 
off the expected blow from Philadelphia. 

Whilst Washington moved towards the Delaware to 
meet Howe, who had embarked his army for that destina- 
tion, he despatched Major Generals Arnold and Lincoln, 
to the east, to hold Burgoyne at bay; for which purpose he 
weakened his own army, in the hope of defeating the plans 
of Burgoyne. 

On the 30th of July, the British fleet was discovered off 
the Capes of Delaware; when Washington immediately 
commenced his march in person for the neighbourhood of 
Philadelphia. 

Howe, deterred from entering the Delaware by the sup- 
posed difliculties of its navigation, again put to sea and 
steered for the Chesapeake, which he did not reach till the 
16th of August. 

In the mean time, Washington inspected the defensible 
points of Philadelphia, and recommended Red Bank and 
Mud Island, as positions from which to defend the river, 
should the British menace that quarter. In the interval of 
Howe's passage to the Chesapeake, a variety of rumours 
and conjectures distracted the American army, as to his 
final destination; but Washington, with his usual perspi- 
cacity, remained firm in the conviction, that the acquisition 
of Philadelphia was the real object of the enemy. 

On the 24th of August, Washington marched through 
Philadelphia, on his way to meet the enem}^, who the next 
day landed eighteen thousand men at Elk river ferry, con- 
sisting of the flower of the British army, in excellent spirits, 
sound health, and among the best disciplined troops in 
Europe. 

Tlie American army, including the militia, which had 
been carefully summoned, did not exceed eleven thousand 
men, and took a position in the rear of Red-Clay Creek, 



46 THE LIFE OF 

having its left at Newport, on the Christiana, and on the 
main road to Philadelphia, from the camp of General Howe. 
At this post, Washington resolved to dispute the posses- 
sion of Philadelphia with the British General; but, upon a 
closer insight into his plans, he thought it prudent to 
change his position, and take up his post behind the Bran- 
dywine, on the height extending from Chadd's ford. 

On the 11th of September, Howe, at the head of the Bri- 
tish, attacked and defeated the forces under Washington, 
on the Brandjwine, compelling the Americans to retreat 
to Chester, and on the next day to Philadelphia. Many of 
the troops of Washington displayed the coolness and cou- 
rage of veterans; whilst others fled ignominiously upon the 
first approach of the enemy. The Americans suffered a 
loss ojf three hundred killed and six hundred wounded; 
whilst that of the British was not more than one-third. 

From Chester he retired to a camp near Germantown, 
where, having reposed his troops, he recrossed the Schuyl- 
kill, and advanced on the Lancaster road, in the expecta- 
tion of meeting the enemy, with whom he was desirous of 
trying the fate of another battle. 

On the 15th of September, Washington reached the War- 
ren tavern, and on the 16th Sir William Howe advanced 
to meet him, when an action commenced; but a heavy rain 
coming on, separated the combatants, and the Americans 
were forced to retreat, their ammunition having been ren- 
dered totally unfit for use. Washington now retreated to 
Warwick Furnace, on French Creek, there to renew h.is 
munitions, and replace the arms that had been injured by 
the rains, the severity of which had prevented the enemy 
from making any immediate pursuit; but the weather having 
mended, Howe continued to advance upon the American 
general, who, prudently declining an action, although pub- 
lic opinion would have urged him to the peril, Howe crossed 
the Schuylkill, and advanced towards the city; but Wash- 
ington, after tlie most mature deliberation, came to the con- 
clusion not to risk a general engagement; a decision which, 
no doubt, led to the ultimate salvation and triumph of the 
cause of American Independence. A council of war con- 
firmed him in the wisdom, policy, and patriotism of this 
course; for his troops were badly clothed, worse armed, 
harassed, fatigued, and weakened by absent detachments 
and recent losses. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 47 

On the 26th of September, Lord Cornwallis took posses- 
sion of Philadelphia without opposition. 

Criticism and censure, on the part of British writers, 
have been lavishly heaped upon Washington, and extrava- 
gant praise bestowed upon General Howe, on the occasion 
of the victorious approaches of the latter to the capital of 
the United States. But, on the part of "Washington, his 
armj is known to have been so inferior in force, as well as 
equipment, to the English general, as to furnish ample 
excuse for his failure to arrest the progress of the enemy 
towards Philadelphia. If he was ' out-generalled' at the 
battle of Brandywine, it was not so much owing to superior 
military genius in Sir William Howe, as to his having com- 
mand of superior numbers, superior facilities, troops who 
were disciplined, and well provided, and officers who were 
experienced, well trained, and exuberantly supplied with 
every appliance and means to secure victory by force, or 
effect it by stratagem. On the part of Washington, the 
patriot drops the tear of mortification over the lamentable 
deficiencies, wants, and inconveniences, that obstructed 
his motions, baffled his manoeuvres, defeated liis plans, and 
circumvented liis genius 5 but there was one thing wliich all 
his wants and disadvantages could not subtract from, or 
impair — a mind endowed with invincible courage, sublime 
fortitude, exhaustless resources, and indomitable patriotism. 

The next event of importance which marked the life of 
tliis illustrious man, was the Baffle of Germantown, in the 
arrangement of which that consummate skill of generalship 
was displayed, of which his English detractors had attempted 
to strip !iim at tb.e battle of Brandywine, and which will 
ever remain as a memorable instance of that happy faculty 
of surprising an enemy^ which formed in Washington so 
prominent a feature of his military character. That it mis- 
carried, as it respected tlie splendid results anticipated, is 
solely to be ascribed to that want of experience, discipline, 
and training, that constituted so vital a defect of the 
rontinenlal army, assisted by those natural disadvantages 
v.hich arose from the heavy fog of the atmosphere, and 
the difficulties of the ground, upon which tlie troops were 
destined to operate. Yet the 4th October will ever remain 
h memorable day in the life of the father of his country. 

l\\ this battle," the British lost five hundred in killed and 
wounded^ tise Americans sustained a loss of two hundred 
killed, and six hundred wounded. 



48 THE LIFE OF 

Congress voted their approbation to the General, corn- 
mending the plan of attack, and extolling the courage dis- 
played in its execution, for which their thanks were awarded 
to Washington, and the continental army. 

In its moral consequences, however, the battle of Ger- 
man town was of essential service to the American cause. 
It checked the growing defection of the people, arrested the 
despondency of the public mind, and cheered the drooping 
spirits of the friends of freedom. 

No reverse could depress the indormi table energy of 
Washington, or throw the chill of torpor on his enterprising 
and active genius. He still continued to harass the Britisli 
from his camp at Skippack creek, and to devise and execute 
means to cut off their supplies; at the same time that he 
meditated an attack upon their forces stationed at Wilming- 
ton. Congress co-operated with Washington in cutting off 
the supplies from the enemy, by passing a resolution which 
subjected to the punishment of death, by martial law, all 
who should furnish them with provisions. 

He now directed his attention to the defence of the forts 
on the Delaware, and the fortifications of Red Bank; the 
latter of which was so gallantly defended by Colonel Greene, 
against an attack made by the Hessians, under Colonel 
Donop, who suffered a signal repulse with the loss of 400 
men. This affair, though comparatively small, had a benign 
effect upon the American cause, and extorted the approba- 
tion of Congress. 

The British army having evacuated Germantown, and 
retired to Philadelphia, Washington advanced to White 
Marsh, where he pitched his camp, intent upon a system of 
harassment, skirmisliing, and surprises, waiting for favour- 
able occasions to attack, cut off, and distress the enemy, 
or, if practicable, bring them to a general action. For this 
purpose, he despatched Colonel Hamilton, his aid, to General 
Gates, to hasten his reinforcements from the north. 

Fort Mifflin, in the command of Colonel Samuel Smith, 
was now besieged and assaulted by General Howe, whose 
cannonade was irresistible: the works were beaten down. 
Colonel Smith was wounded, and, after being defended to 
the last extremity, it was evacuated by the American troop* 
on the 16th of November, at eleven at night. 

General Howe, having completed a line of defence from 
the Delaware and the Schuylkill, and received a reinforce- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 49 

ment from New York, was emboldened to plan an attack 
upon Fort Mercer, under Cornwallis, at the head of two 
thousand men. 

Washington made exertions to preserve this post, but 
they proved unavailing, and the fort was accordingly eva- 
cuated. Thus the British army at length succeeded in 
opening a free communication with their fleet, by the De- 
laware. 

As the limits assigned to this work do not admit of a 
detail of the events of the revolution in which General 
Washington was not personally concerned, we can only 
observe, that, as far as his agency extended as commander 
in chief, in planning the northern campaign of this memo- 
rable year, he evinced the most consummate skill, com- 
bined with a comprehensiveness of conception, and a sound- 
ness of judgment, which won general admiration, and ex- 
torted the applause of his enemies, notwithstanding the 
disastrous issue of it, by the evacuation of Ticonderoga 
and Fort Independence, which, however, were richly com- 
pensated by the victory of Bennington, by the gallant action 
of Stillwater, and finally, after repeated defeats, by the 
total surrender of the army of Burgoyne to the American 
forces under General Gates — events which, owing much 
of their success to the genius and foresight of Washington, 
did not fail to reflect on his character a lustre which, added 
to his other merits, kindled a blaze of glory round his 
brow. 

The effect of the surrender of Burgoyne, both in the 
United States and Europe, was highly favourable to the 
American cause. Earl Chatham, in the House of Lords, 
moved to amend the ilddress to the King, by introducing a 
recommendation to his majesty to ' procure an immediate 
cessation of liostilities with America, and commence a treaty 
of conciliation, to restore peace and liberty to America, 
strength and happiness to England, security and permanent 
prosperity to both countries.' In support of this motion, 
he said, '< But, my Lords, w4io is the man that, in addition 
to the disgraces and mischiefs of war, has dared to authorise 
and associate to our arms the tomahawk and scalping knife 
of the savage? — to call into civilised alliance the wild and 
inhuman inhabitants of the woods. ? — ^to delegate to the mer- 
ciless Indian the defence of disputed rights, and to wage 
the horrors of his barbarous war against our brethren? My 

E 



50 THE LIFE OF 

Lords, these enormities cry aloud for redress and punish- 
ment. Unless thoroughly done away, it will be a stain on 
the national character. It is not the least of our national 
misfortunes that the strength and character of our army are 
thus impaired. Familiarised to the horrid scenes of savage 
cruelty, it can no longer boast of the noble and generous 
principles which dignify a soldier. No longer you sympa- 
thise with the dignity of the royal banner, nor feel the pride, 
pomp, and circumstance of glorious war, which makes am- 
bition virtue. What makes ambition virtue? — ^the#s^nse of 
honor. But is this sense of honor consistent with the spirit 
of plunder, or the practice of murder?— can it flow from 
mercenary motives, or can it prompt to cruel deeds.^" 

Chatham had struck the true chords of the motives of 
those who warred upon this country; and the whole British 
empire vibrated with one intense sensation of horror. The 
contest on the part of England was mercenary and cruel. 
On the part of the Americans, love of liberty and love of 
country led to deeds of heroism that astonished mankind, 
and to sacrifices, sufferings, and losses, which could alone 
ilov,- from the purest devotion to freedom and independence. 

Washington was now pressed by all sides to make an 
attack upon Howe's army in Philadelphia, as well by his 
own officers as by the strong current of public opinion; and 
the plan was drawn, canvassed, and demonstrated by a few- 
ardent spirits to be infallible. But the prudence, sagacity, 
firmness and patriotism of Washington resisted the public 
clamour, and detected flaws and dangers in the scheme, 
v^ hich his own friends, who were importunate for the mea- 
sure, wholly overlooked. Despising the appeals made to 
his own glory, he preferred the safety of his country to the 
brilliancy of his own fame; for though he might succeed in 
adding lustre to the one, he iTiight, at the same time, fail 
in securing the independence and safety of the other. He 
therefore declined the perilous attempt, and thus exhibited 
one of the most sublime spectacles of moral grandeur to be 
found in the history of military chiefs. That ne now panted 
with uncommon ardour to signalise himself in a decisive 
action, was proved by the unceasing efforts he made, after 
the defeat of Burgoyne, to procure a reinforcement from the 
northern army, under Gates, to whom he had despatched a 
large portion of his best troops; but he was too much devoted 
to his country to gratify it at the possible expense of its 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 51 

final subjugation bj a cruel and oppressive enemy. The 
wisdom of his determination was soon demonstrated by the 
preparations of Lord Howe to attack the American army. 

On the 4th of December, at night, Howe marched out 
of Philadelphia at the head of his entire force, and the next 
day encamped on Chesnut Hill, in front of Washington's 
rio-ht wing. But nothing beyond an inconsiderable skirmish 
resulted from the complicated demonstrations of the English 
general, who was deterred from the attack by the admirable 
position of the American commander; and, on the 8th De- 
cember, Howe retreated to Philadelphia. The two armies 
were nearly equal in numbers, of 12,000 men each: and the 
circumstance of Howe declining an action with raw troops, 
after marching out for that purpose, evinced a respect for 
the talents of Washington and the bravery of his troops, 
which did not fail to produce an impression favourable to 
the American cause, and still more honourable to the com- 
mander of the American grand army. 

Washington now went into winter quarters, at Valley 
Forge; the weather having set in with a severity of cold 
which caused great sufterin^s to his exposed troops, who 
were destitute of tents, blankets, and comfortable clothingi 
and, to add to these privations, the dangei* of famine now 
stared them in the face, in a land abounding with plenty. 
This was caused by the great depreciation of the continental 
money, now so sunk in value as to be almost utterly wortk- 
less. This want of provisions, and the radical defects iu 
the commissary department, now pressed with great force 
upon the army, and often destroyed its faculty for action. 
This subject now brought into light a trait of greatness, 
justice and benevolence in the character of Wasliington, 
which, in my opinion, has never been enough extolled. 
Congress had empowered him to seize all provisions he 
might want within seventy miles of head quarters, giving 
a certificate for the value of the same. Necessity forced 
him, in some measure, to exert this authority, or behold his 
troops famish around him. But he failed to exert it to the 
extent intended by Congress; his feelings revolting from a 
measure which might produce distress to families, and was 
on its very face oppressive to the people. For this humanity 
lie incurred the disapprobation of Congress, who renewed 
their orders to him to enforce the seizure; but such was his 
innate sense of justice and humanity, as well as hispercep- 



52 THE LIFE OF 

tion of sound policy, that he never would fully comply with 
the resolutions of Congress. 

The Legislature of Pennsylvania had remonstrated to 
Congress against Washington's moving into winter quar- 
ters, and expressed great dissatisfaction with his measures; 
although they had been criminally negligent in furnishing 
him with means to keep the field, or to prosecute active 
hostilities: so prone are men to complain of others, when 
they even fail to discharge their own duties. 

Envy, faction and ambition, panting to rise upon his ruin, 
took advantage of these partial and unjust discontents, to 
impeach his character and assail his capacity. The splendid 
achievement of General Gates at Saratoga, had awakened 
the ambition of that officer, and stimulated his friends to 
attempt that he might supplant Washington in the chief 
command of the American forces; and these feelings ope- 
rating upon one portion of Congress and the public, who 
are always impatient under inaction, and whose feelings 
hurry them to an excessive admiration of whatever is bold, 
brilliant and daring, produced a considerable array of 
opposition to Washington; at the head of which stood Ge- 
neral Conway, a friend of Gates, for the avowed purpose of 
investing the latter with the command in chief. 

This powerful intrigue was so extensively diffused, that 
attempts had been made to alienate the confidence of the 
States from Washington; and an anonymous letter ad- 
dressed to Patrick Henry, of Virginia, then governor of 
that State, was transmitted by him to Washington. The 
immediate intrigue that developed the plot, was a passage in 
a letter written by Colonel Conway to General Gates, 
v/hich ran thus: ' heaven has been determined to save your 
country, or a weak general -dJi A bad counsellors would have 
ruined it.' This passage of the letter was communicated 
by a member of Congress to Washington. 

Strong in the affections of the people, and almost idol- 
ized by the great majority of the army, it was only neces- 
sary to expose a combination and intrigue so unprincipled 
and selfish, in order to cover its authors with merited 
ignominy, and exalt still higher in public esteem, the in- 
tended victim of its malignancy. Looked upon by all as 
the saviour of his country, it was not difficult to withstand 
and triumph over an intrigue, which the moment it was 
touched by the spear of truth, for such in fact was the cha- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 5S 

racter of AVasliin^ton, melted into the hideous features of 
unhallowed ambition, private envj, and grovelling selfis'n- 
ness. 

How he felt and acted under the operation of these dero- 
gatory machinations, we feel naturally curious to enquire^ 
and, indeed, his conduct and temper on this occasion must 
go far in deciding our estimate of his extraordinary cha- 
racter. Endowed with a mind not only of colossal magni- 
tude, but of singular firmness, these aspersions caused 
neither agitation nor excitement; though not to feel in some 
degree indignant, would have been to possess attributes 
superior to those of liumanity. In his answer to General 
Gates, calling for the name of the informer, there is but one 
expression which implied any degree of undue excitement, 
where he says: " Pardon me then, for adding, that, so far 
Irom conceiving the safety of the States can be affected, or 
in the smallest degree injured, by a discovery of this kind, 
or that I should be called upon in such solemn terms to point 
out the author, that I considered the information as coming; 
from yourself, and given with a friendly view to forewarn, 
and consequently forearm me against a secret enemy, or in 
other words, a dangerous incendiary, in which character, 
sooner or later, this country will know General Conway.*- 

At this time his army was barefooted, naked, and witli- 
out provisions, the fault of which was exclusively in Con- 
gress and tlie depreciated currency of the country: but 
imagination, in its wildest creations, cannot conceive suf- 
ferings more intense than were this winter endured by the 
American army. 

How acutely Washington felt, and sympathised for 
these sufferings, might be shown by multiplied evidences 
of his humane heart; but I shall confine myself to part of 
one letter of his to Governor Livingston: "* I sincerely feel 
for the unhappy condition of our poor fellows in the hospi- 
tals, and wish my powers to relieve them were equal to my 
inclination. It is but too melancholy a truth, that our hos^- 
pital stores of every kind, are lamentably scanty and defi- 
cient. I fear there is no prospect of their being soon in a 
better condition. Our difficulties and distresses are cer- 
tainly great, and such as wound the feelings of humanity: 
—our sick, naked! — our well, naked! — our unfortunate 
men in captivity, naked!" 

The army was now melting away, owing to the depi'e- 
E 2 



54 THE LIFE OF 

elation of continental money, which reduced the officers to 
beggary, and the soldiers to nakedness. Washington re- 
commended increased pay, half pay, and a pension system, 
and submitted to Congress an elaborate, able, and compre- 
hensive system for the organisation of the army, as well as 
for the commissary department in particular; to which Con- 
gress conformed in their new regulations. 

Still the famine of man and horse in the army prevailed, 
and every hour threatened to dissolve it, notwithstanding 
the Herculean labours of Washington, to exhort the States 
to action, and stimulate the Congress to energy. Mutiny 
was often manifested by the starving troops, and as often 
suppressed; but nothing could have suppressed it, but the 
deep affection which most of the men cherished for their 
great commander, who possessed that indescribable some- 
thing, which attaches both officers and soldiers to his per- 
son, and inspires all with veneration and respect. To this 
quality alone in the General, is to be ascribed the preser- 
vation of the army at this crisis. 

Perhaps no man ever received so signal and complete 
atonement from the party guilty of the wrong, as did 
General Washington, when the following letter from Ge- 
neral Conway, who had been seriously wounded in a duel, 
met his eye. 

''Philadelphia, July 23, 1778. 
'' Sir, — I find myself just able to hold the pen during a 
few minutes, and take this opportunity of expressing my 
sincere grief for having done, written, or said any thing 
disagreeable to your excellency. My career will soon be 
over; therefore, justice and truth prompt me to declare my 
last sentiments. You are, in my eyes, the great and good 
man. May you long enjoy the love, veneration and esteem 
of these States, whose liberties you have asserted by your 
virtues. 

" I am, with the greatest respect. Sir, &c. 

'*PH. CONWAY.'' 
In February, 1778, Lord North agreed to submit to Par- 
liament a plan of conciliation with America. About the 
same time, a treaty of commerce and alliance was con- 
cluded with France, by Mr. Deane, the minister of the 
United States at that court. These bills of pajcification 
were first transmitted to General Washington, and by him 
submitted to Congress? accompanied by his views of their 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 55 

probable operation and influence on the public mind. His 
letter to Congress was accompanied by a certificate of the 
very singular manner in which the bills came to his hands; 
with the ' extraordinary and impertinent request, that the 
contents should be, through him, communicated to the 
army.' These propositions of peace were instantly and 
indignantly rejected, as insulting, unjust, and derogatory; 
inasmuch as they did not acknowledge the Independence of 
the United States. 

An event now occurred, in May, 1778, which it is mat- 
ter of surprise the British ministry had not anticipated— 
the recognition of the independence of the United States 
by France; a consequent war between that country and 
England; and an efficient co-operation by France, to 
achieve and consummate our liberties. 

Washington now engaged in an arduous negociation with 
the English General, to obtain a mitigation of the sufferings 
of the American prisoners, who had been captured by the 
enemy; and to arrange some permanent system for their 
speedy exchange and comfortable subsistence. In this 
humane and laudable effort, he at length succeeded. 

The conduct of the revolutionary war, could certainly 
have devolved on no one who combined in so great a degree 
the qualities of a humane heart, a firm purpose, a vigilant 
eye, and a comprehensive scope of intellectual vision, and 
military foresight. 

Sir William Howe having resigned his command of the 
English army, was succeeded by Sir Henry Clinton, who 
evacuated Philadelphia on the 18th of June, 1778, direct- 
ing his march through the Jerseys. On the same day 
Washington moved his army from Valley Forge, and 
crossed the Delaware at CorryelPs ferry, keeping posses- 
sion of i\iQ high grounds, and being careful to avoid a gene- 
ral engagement with the enemy, yet strongly inclined to 
hazard an attack. In this uncertainty, caused by conflict- 
ing enterprise and prudence, he called a council of war, 
which decided against risking an engagement. Still, his 
desire to achieve something against a retreating foe, over- 
came the advice of his council, and he resolved to attack 
the rear of the British on his own responsibility; and on the 
28th of June, he advanced upon the retiring columns of the 
enemy in the vicinity of Monmouth Court Ilouse^ until the 
battle becoming general, a sharp conflict ensued, when the 



56 THE LIFE OF 

approach of niglit caused a cessation of hostilities; both 
parties keeping their positions, and laying on their arms. 
Washington, who had been very active throughout the day, 
exposed his person at every point, regardless of all danger, 
and passed the night in the midst of his soldiers in his 
military cloak. 

During the night, the British silently retreated, wholly 
unperceived by the Americans. In this sharp conflict, the 
British suffered the greatest loss; and the result was a vic- 
tory confessed to the American arms, by the retreat of the 
beaten foe. 

On this occasion, General Lee was suspended from com- 
mand for one year by a court martial; among other charges, 
for disobedience of orders, and disrespect to Washington, 
which the whole army strongly resented. 

Congress voted their thanks for his conduct on this occa- 
sion, as well as to his officers and men. 

Washington now moved his army towards the Nortli 
River, and Sir Henry Clinton effected his retreat to New 
York. 

In July, the arrival of the French fleet under Count 
D'Estaing, having on board a French army, to co-operate 
with the Americans against the English, threw a different 
complexion over the whole contest; and inspired a reason- 
able hope of a speedy termination of the struggle of the 
States against the absurd pretensions of the crown of Eng- 
land. 

The fleet of Howe had left the Delaware, at the same time 
that the British army had evacuated Philadelphia. 

Without following the operations of the French and Eng- 
lish forces, which would be foreign to the object of this 
work, I shall merely remark, that as far as Washington 
participated in deciding tlieir movements, he displayed all 
his wonted wisdom, sagacity, prudence, magnanimity, va- 
lour and patriotism. His address and influence were suc- 
cessfully interposed to heal a dissention which had arisen 
on points of co-operation and etiquette, between the com- 
mander of the French fleet and General Sullivan. 

Nothing important, in which Washington was immedi- 
ately concerned, occurred afterwards, during the campaign 
of 1778; and in December the American army went int(» 
winter quarters in the neiglibourhood of "SVest Point and 
Middlebrook; the troops being sheltered in iiuts, and well 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 57 

provided with clothing, from the supplies furnished by 
Fiance. 

Let us here pause for a moment, to contemplate the ex- 
panding genius, and towering character of this wonderful 
man, as he rose under the pressure of new exigencies, and 
improved in wisdom by the admonitions of adversity, and 
the lessons of experience. 

It is a singular fact, that in the writings of Washington, 
we discover no historical allusions, or traces of having 
studied the laws of nations, or the science of jurisprudence; 
and yet no deficiency of sound principles, or useful know- 
ledge, is ever to be detected in him; so much did the rich- 
ness ot his genius supply him with stores of wisdom. And 
though it is apparent, that he had never made the science 
of government a peculiar object of study, yet experience, as 
he advanced through the difficulties of the war, had sug- 
gested to him much useful knowledge on important points 
of civil government. Yet, on this latter subject, his ideas 
evidently received a tinge of prejudice, from his military 
education; and that when he thought of government, he con- 
ceived of a pov/er too energetic to be perfectly compatible 
with the broad doctrines of liberty, however it might secure 
the efficiency of prompt and energetic authority. Accustomed 
as he was to the rapid movements and absolute commands of 
an army, this habit would naturally generate in his mind a 
desire to introduce the same prompt principle of action into 
government, and to view the deliberate motions, and tedious 
debates of free assemblies with a feeling of dislike propor- 
tioned to their laxity of movement, and tardiness of con- 
clusion. Having insensibly acquired this mode of think- 
ing, he would unconsciously espouse the concentration of 
power, without feeling any hostility to the principles, or 
repugnance to the spirit of liberty; and thus gradually en- 
graft upon his principles of military government civil doc- 
trines of congenial and analogous energy. 

The dependence of his army upon the movements and 
proceedings of government, obviously first attracted his 
attention to the study of our political fabric, at the same 
time that it caused him to scrutinise it, more in reference to 
the army, than to the people; and this without making him 
less a lover of liberty, or less a friend to the rights and hap- 
piness of the human race; for his heart was always too 
benevoleat to permit him to embrace the cause of despotism i 



58 THE LIFE OF 

and his genius was too luminous ever to allow him to har- 
bour the delusion, that, freedom once enjoyed could ever 
be extinguished, or equality once proclaimed could ever 
be recalled. 

It is, perhaps, peculiar to Washington alone, that every 
step of his military career inducted him into a knowledge 
of political principles; and that the character of the states- 
man gradually surmounted that of the general; at the same 
time that the ideas of the general became the basis of tlie 
principles of the politician. 

Purity of purpose, strict honesty of character, exalted 
patriotism and elevated intellect, would naturally infer that 
energy of government to be most conducive to human hap- 
piness, which, embracing in its principles the jiveference of 
talents and virtue, could discern no evil but in crime, and 
detect no blemish but in weakness; not considering that the 
weakness was necessarily incidental to the exercise of 
right; and that the evil was a component part of the human 
system as inseparable from government, as it was unavoid- 
able to man. 

When Washington, therefore, unwarily became the ad- 
vocate of power in the hands of a few, he did not necessa- 
rily desire, or intend to crush the rights of the many, so 
much as to curb their vices, reniedy their weakness, and 
add to their happiness. If he miscalculated the means as a 
statesman, he was correct in their appreciation as a general : 
and the moral sublimity of his virtues rescued him from all 
suspicion of any attempt to subjugate their rights, or shackle 
their freedom. 

Commissioners from Great Britain, to negociate a plan 
of conciliation with the States, again arrived at Philadel- 
phia, and were announced to Washington by the English 
general, Sir Henry Clinton, who, being joined in the em- 
bassy, undertook to open the negociation. Washington 
having referred the proposition to Congress, that body re- 
jected the terms offered, on the ground of the non -recogni- 
tion of the Independence of the States, and her omission to 
withdraw her fleets and armies from our limits. 

Apprehensions being justly entertained, that these offers 
of peace and re-union with the mother country, might have 
an injurious effect on the public mind, their insufficiency 
was ably combated by the popular writers of the day, who, 
to the asperity of sarcasm, added the keenness of wit, and 



GEORGE WASHINGTOK. 59 

the force of reasoning. But their tendency to mislead the 
people, was arrested by the audacious attempts of Governor 
Johnson, one of the Commissioners, to bribe tlie most influ- 
ential members of Congress; and the still more reprehensi- 
ble attempt upon Mr. Read, with the offer of ten thousand 
pounds sterling, and the best office in the gift of the crown. 
The Commissioners being repulsed by Congress, addressed 
their seditious appeals to the people. The great influence 
of Washington was successfully used, to induce the rejec- 
tion of terms based on the reannexation of the States to 
Great Britain, as well as to prevent the influence of such 
appeals on the people and the army. 

The horrid atrocities of the Indian wars of 1778, the 
massacre of Wyoming, and other terrible devastations of 
savage vengeance, having attracted the attention of Con- 
gress, Washington was directed to adopt measures to repel 
these invasions of the savages on the frontiers Of New York, 
New Jersey and Pennsylvania; but having consulted a 
council of war, all operations during that season were de- 
clared to be impracticable. 

At the commencement of the year 1779, the conquest of 
Canada again became a favorite project with Congress; 
and a plan of co-operation with the French forces, to ac- 
complish that object, was drawn up by cabinet ministers, 
and submitted to Washington, with a request that he would 
make his observations on it, and then enclose it to Dr. 
Franklin, at Paris, by him to be laid before the French 
court, for its approval. 

To military sagacity of the highest order, Washington 
united views so profound and comprehensive, as could not 
fail, when combined with his great experience, to qualify 
him, in an eminent manner, to judge of the feasibility or 
unsoundness of this extensive plan of operations; and pene- 
trating at once to the serious evils involved in its execution, 
he remonstrated to Congress against its adoption; at the 
same time that he fully investigated its merits, and proved 
the mischiefs, difficulties and perils, with which it was 
fraught. 

Congress, on their part, while they confessed the great 
ability of his exposition, yet still persevered in the plan 
which he had exploded in so masterly a manner, and again 
pressed it, with some modifications, on his attention; but 
not convinced of the error of his opinions, nor satisfied with 



60 THE LIFE OF 

the military talent of Congress, he requested a persoi^al 
conference with that body; to which Congress having ac- 
ceded, he proceeded to Philadelphia, and met a committee 
of that body, to consult upon the general state of the army, 
and the condition and welfare of the country. 

The power of genius in its particular and darling profes- 
sion is irresistible: Congress yielded to the powerful argu- 
ments of Washington against the proposed expedition: thus, 
by their very reluctance, and slowly extorted conviction 
of their errors, giving the sanction of their entire approba- 
tion to his views, and confirming the force of his judgment, 
the fulness of his knowledge, and the weight of his expe- 
rience. 

How far he preserved his country, by thus interposing 
his veto against so comprehensive and perilous a project, 
can only be conjectured: but it is highly probable, that had 
he not opposed it, reckless of all consequences to himself, 
the effects would have been disastrous to the army, and 
perhaps fatal to its liberties and independence 5 but disre- 
garding all consequences to his own fame, he nobly threw 
himself in the gap, to bear the brunt of opposition, to a 
measure of government, originated with much partiality, 
and cherished with peculiar fondness. 

Washington soon experienced the disadvantage of the 
alliance with France, in the impression of apathy produced 
by the belief that it was the infallible precursor of peace 
and independence, which must now necessarily take place 
without striking another blow, or putting to risk the chances 
of another battle. The people, on this account, became 
averse to active operations; enthusiasm for liberty sunk into 
the conviction that it was achieved; enlistments were al- 
most suspended, or proceeded with too tardy a pace to be 
efficient, while, from the same cause, it became manifestly 
inexpedient to proceed to coercion to fill the vacant ranks 
of the army. Yet, the happy delusion, that the war had 
found a period with the date of the French alliance, made 
no impression on the sagacious mind of Washington; and 
while he lamented the delay which took place in Congress 
on the subject of providing for the campaign of 1779, he 
omitted nothing on his part to stimulate the Union and the 
States to renewed exertion to prosecute it to a decided issue. 

The dissentions that now arose in Congress, generated 
by the quarrels and jealousies of our ministers at foreign 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 61 

courts, added to this fatal torpor, and produced no little 
elation in the minds of our enemies. The real character 
of the state of the country, at this period, will be best de- 
lineated by a letter, written by Washington himself, to one 
of his talented political friends, in which he says, •' I am 
particularly desirous of a free communication of sentiments 
with you at this time, because I view things very differently, 
I fear, from what people in general do, who seem to think 
the contest at an end, and that to make money, and get 
places, are the only things now remaining to be done. I 
have seen, without despondency, even for a moment, the 
hours which America has styled her gloomy ones; but I 
have beheld no day since the commencement of hostilities, 
when 1 have thought her liberties in such imminent danger 
as at present. Friends and foes seem now to combine to 
pull down the goodly fibric we have hitherto been raising, 
at the expense of so much time, blood, and treasure; and un- 
less the bodies politic will exert themselves to bring things 
back to first principles, correct abuses, and punish our in- 
ternal foes, inevitable ruin must follow. Indeed, we seem 
to be verging so fast to destruction, that I am filled with 
sensations to which I have been a stranger until within 
these three months. Our enemy behold with exultation 
and joy how effectually we labour for their benefit — and 
from being in a state of absolute despair, and on the point 
of evacuating America, are now on tiptoe. Nothing, there- 
fore, in my judgment, can save us but a total reformation 
in our own conduct, or some decisive turn of affairs in 
Europe. The former, alas! (to our shame be it spoken,) is 
less likely to happen than the latter, as it is now consistent 
with the views of the speculators, various tribes of money 
makers, and stock-jobbers of all denominations, to continue 
the war for their own private emolument, without consider- 
ing that this avarice and thirst for gain must plunge every 
thing, including themselves, in one common ruin." 

** It is a fact too notorious to be concealed, that Congress 
is rent by party — that much business of a trifling nature, 
and personal concernment, withdraws their attention from 
matters of great national moment at this critical period: 
when it is also known that idleness and dissipation take 
place of close attention and application, no man who wishes 
well to the liberties of this country, and desires to see its 
rights established, can avoid crying out, 'where are our 

F 



62 THE LIFE OF 

men of abilities? — why do they not come forth to save their 
country?' Let this voice, my clear Sir, call upon you, Jef- 
ferson, and others. Do not, from a mistaken opinion that 
we are to sit down under our vine and our fig tree, let our 
hitherto noble struggle end in ignominy. Believe me when 
I tell you there is danger of it. I have pretty good reasons 
for thinking that administration, a little while ago, had re- 
solved to give the matter up, and negociate a peace with us 
upon almost any terms ; but I shall be much mistaken if 
they do not now, from the present state of our currency, 
dissentions, and other circumstances, push matters to the 
utmost extremity. Nothing, I am sure, will prevent it but 
the interruption of Spain, and their disappointed hope from 
Russia." 

Thus, with a comprehensive eye and an ever wakeful 
patriotism, did Washington penetrate to the causes of our 
weakness, lament the obstacles of our independence, and 
labour to soothe irritation, remove difficulties, and promote 
union, harmony and success. But whatever hopes the 
English might cherish from our dissentions were speedily 
dissipated by that recuperative energy and common sense 
of danger which recalled the minds of men from the spoils 
of victory to the acquisition of Independence. 

Active hostilities were now transferred from the northern 
and middle States to South Carolina and Georgia, where 
a large body of tories, disaffected to the cause of liberty, 
inspired the enemy with sanguine hopes of making an easy 
victory of those States? in which attempt, they at first but 
too well succeeded. 

Serious discontents, of a seditious character, having ap- 
peared in the Jersey brigade, Washington, with his usual 
address and patriotism, laboured to arrest it by the persua- 
sion of his eloquence. The want of pay, and other evils 
incident to a deranged and rotten currency, were of too 
deep a nature to be very patiently borne, or easily healed. 

Washington now directed his attention to the Indian set- 
tlements; and having despatched Colonel Van Schaick and 
General Sullivan against some of the towns of the Onanda- 
goes, a complete devastation of their country and farms 
was eftected. 

The British army, composed of 9000 men, was stationed 
at New York, while a detachment of 2000, under General 
Matthews, was engaged in harassing the lower counties 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 65 

>f Virginia. In Rhode Island, their force amounted to 6000 
nen, making a total of 17,000 men, under the command 
)f Sir Henry Clinton, to co-operate with whom a powerful 
fleet rode at anchor, ready, at any moment, to transport 
lis forces to any point which promised a successful attack. 

On the part of the Americans, the grand total of their 
armies did not exceed 16,000 — 3,000 under the command 
of Gates, in New England, and 13,000 on the banks of the 
North River, where they had been encamped during the 
winter; 6,000 fit for active service, were posted at Middle- 
brook, under the command of Washington. 

Under this disparity of force, combined with the strong 
posts occupied by the enemy, Washington determined on a 
defensive campaign, contenting himself with securing the 
important passes on the North River, and protecting the 
adjacent country from the cruel ravages of an unsparing foe: 
even this defensive system was not unattended with its 
perils and difficulties. 

West Point, being by nature a strong position, had, 
since the year 1777, been a particular object of attention 
to the Americans, who had constructed formidable works 
for its defence, with the intention of rendering it impregna- 
ble to the assaults of an enemy. 

King's Ferry, a few miles below West Point, near the 
termination of the Highlands, was the great pass of com- 
munication between the eastern and middle States, and is 
commanded by the two opposite points of land, the most 
elevated of which, on the west side of the river, is called 
from its roughness Stoney Point, while the flat neck of 
land on the east is denominated Verplanck's Point. 

The possession of King's Ferry became, therefore, an 
important object to both armies. The Americans had con- 
structed a strong post on Verplanck's Point, called Fort 
Fayette, which was garrisoned by a company under captain 
Armstrong; but the works on Stoney Point, though consi- 
derable, were yet incomplete. The British general now 
projected a coup de main upon these works. But the Ame- 
ricans, having abandoned Stoney Point, without waiting for 
an attack, the enemy immediately took possession of it, 
and soon compelled Fort Fayette, on the opposite shore, to 
capitulate, the garrison surrendering themselves prisoners 
of war. 

To prevent an attack on West Point, Washington now 



64 THE LIFE OF 

followed the enemy with the first division of his army from 
Middlebrook, but was compelled, from the inferiority of his 
force, to pursue measures strictly defensive. In the mean 
time the English completed the fortifications, and left strong 
garrisons in Stoney Point and Fort Fayette. 

In July, the British army made an invasion of Connecti- 
cut, but almost immediately returned to the Hudson, with- 
out having accomplished any thing decisive in that state. 

Washington now conceived the idea of surprising the 
posts at King^s Ferry; a design to which he was impelled 
by a desire to satisfy public expectation by some distin- 
guished exploit, which would tend to reconcile the people 
to his plan of defensive warfare, without incurring any great 
peril to the main army. With this view, he carefully re- 
connoitred the two posts in person, and employed all the 
means in his power to obtain information of their real 
strength. His conclusion was that they could only be car- 
ried by surprise; but he resolved to make an attempt on 
Stoney Point first, which, if successful, would easily com- 
mand the surrender of Fort Fayette. 

This notable achievement was made at twelve o'clock 
at night of the 15th July, 1779, under the command of 
General Wayne, who surprised and captured the fort in a 
manner never surpassed for its darin<^, its intrepidity, and 
its coolness. No military exploit in history excels the 
brilliancy of the capture of Stoney Point. 

Washington having thus secured Stony Point, made an 
unsuccessful attempt upon the opposite post; but Sir Henry 
Clinton advancing to its relie*", the American general de- 
termined to evacuate Stoney Pointy which could not ba 
maintained without a naval force, and to retire into the 
highlands, when the British again took possession of it, 
repaired the fortifications, and manned it with a stronger 
garrison. 

Independent of the splendour of this exploit, it is difli- 
cult to conceive the object which prompted its execution, 
or to approve of a design which, had no miscarriage inter- 
vened to obstruct its complete fulfilment, must still have 
been a useless expense of life, labour and gallantry. 

Washington now removed his head quarters to West 
Point; not deeming himself sufiiciently in force to hazard 
a general engagement. In the same cautious spirit of pru- 
dence, he issued orders to the commanders of corps and 



\ 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 65 

detachments not to risk their troops in any partisan en- 
gagements but when the occasion of certain victory pre- 
sented itself. 

The British general, wearied with inactivity, now retired 
to York Island, and engaged himself in giving increased 
strength to its fortifications; while, despairing of success in 
any attempt to draw Washington from his strong position, 
he began to direct his attention to a campaign against the 
southern States. 

On the 18th of August, Major Lee surprised and made 
prisoners the British garrison at Pawles Hook, opposite 
New York, on the west bank of the Hudson; an enterprise 
which, having been achieved under the direction of Wash- 
ington, received at the time no inconsiderable measure of 
applause. 

Admiral Arbuthnot, a few days after this event, arrived 
at New York with a reinforcement for the British army; 
and shortly after, the Count D'Estaing arrived on the 
southern coast, with a powerful French fleet; upon the 
news of which. Sir Henrj^ Clinton concentrated his forces 
in New York. 

The campaign of 1779, was not, upon the whole, either 
very creditable to the cause of Independence, or favourable 
to the fame and reputation of the commander in chief, so 
far as it respected any accession of glory, from active ope- 
rations, or brilliant triumphs; but, as it related to that wis- 
dom and prudence, which looked to the permanent good of 
his country, he stood higher than at any preceding period, 
and commanded more veneration in the minds of the judi- 
cious and reflecting, for his virtues, talents and patriotism. 

Washington closed this campaign, as he had done so 
many preceding ones, by addressing a remonstrance to 
Congress against the militia system, and recommending 
the plan of coercive draughts for one year by the States, as 
the only efficient method of perfecting the establishment of 
a permanent army. But Congress seem not only them- 
selves to have been averse to so strong a measure, which 
caused them to adopt it with tardiness and reluctance, but 
the States appear to have resisted it, from a natural jealousy 
of consolidated power; so that the resolutions of Congress 
in favour of the system recommended by Washington, even- 
tually failed, when they came to be canvassed by the jealous 
rights of thirteen independent sovereignties. 

E 2 



66 THE LIFE OF 

In December Washington placed his army in winter 
quarters; one division at West Point, and the other at 
Morristown, New Jersey, sheltered by huts, and so dis- 
posed as to protect the surrounding country from the de- 
predations of the enemy, as at the same time to secure his 
troops from insult, surprise or defeat. 

The subjugation of Georgia by the British, and the unsuc- 
cessful attempt of the combined forces of the French and 
Americans to recover Savannah, and the departure of the 
French fleet from the continent, justly excited the fears of 
Washington for the fate of Soutli Carolina, which, combined 
with the secret intelligence he had received from his spies 
in New York, that the enemy meditated the South as the 
scene of the campaign of 1780, awakened all his fears and 
patriotism for the safety of that section of the union, which 
now became the theatre of sanguinary and triumphant 
operations to the British army under Sir Henry Clinton. 

On the 12th of May, Charleston capitulated a surrender 
to the English general. Washington's opinion was adverse 
to the policy of defending that city, after it had been found 
impracticable to defend the bar and maintain the harbour. 
General Lincoln was severely censured for his conduct; 
but it does not appear that he was so much to blame, as 
those who, having promised him reinforcements, had inspired 
delusive hopes, that ended in his ruin. 

Lord Cornwallis, with one division of the British army, 
now advanced upon North Carolina, while other detach- 
ments carried their victorious arms through fields of car- 
nage, until the whole south was subjugated by the troops of 
his Britannic majesty. Emboldened by this unexpected 
success. Sir Henry Clinton, on the 3d of June, 1780, issued 
his proclamation, re-establishing, in full force, the royal 
government; after which, supposing the conquest of the 
feouth to be complete, he sailed for New York, leaving 
Lord Cornwallis with four thousand troops, to extend his 
victories into North Carolina. 

These movements in the south did not escape the vigi- 
lant eye of Washington; and in March he sent a detach- 
ment of the Maiyland and Delaware lines, under the com- 
mand of the Baron de Kalb, to reinforce the southern army. 
As these troops entered South Carolina, they v/ere joined 
by several corps of American militia, who deserted from 
the colours of Cornwallis, by whom they had been enilsted. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON, 67 

Congress then called General Gates to the command of the 
southern department, on the 13th of June, 1780, under the 
idea that the conqueror of Burgojne would now prove, by 
his great military talents, the saviour of the southern states. 
The defeat of the Americans at Camden, on the 16th of 
August, 1780, demonstrated the fallacy of reposing confi- 
dence in a general of the ardent and active genius of Gates, 
when commanding a raw army, composed of militia, or 
new recruits. Such bold and impetuous talents were more 
adapted to lead the disciplined and well drilled battalions 
of Europe, than the inexperienced and timid recruits of a 
free government, opposed to constraint, and stubborn in 
their rights. The rout of the Americans at this battle was 
complete and overwhelming. The Baron de Kalb was 
killed at the head of his troops. Congress afterwards di- 
rected a monument to his memory. The American loss in 
killed, wounded and prisoners, was great and fatal, but 
never precisely ascertained. To this rout of Gates, suc- 
ceeded the defeat of Sumpter at Catawba Ford, by the 
bloody and impetuous legion of Tarlton. 

The winter quarters of the army under Washington, had 
not been much improved beyond its condition of preceding 
years, in respect to rations^ the depreciation of the cur- 
rency having effectually operated to check the certainty of 
supplies to so great an extent as again to menace the total 
dissolution of the army 5 a catastrophe which was solely 
averted by the patriotism of the people of New Jersey. 

A requisition on the States, to supply the treasury of the 
Union by taxation, was now resorted to; but it did not 
prove effectual; and the limit of two hundred millions of 
continental money having been completed, other sources of 
supply were now to be devised; which consisted in a re- 
quisition on the States for their respective quotas of provi- 
sions, spirits and forage, for which they were to be hnally 
paid in Spanish milled dollars. 

To this system Wasliington was decidedly opposed, on 
the ground that the war ought to be conducted on a national, 
ratiier tiian a state system; and, in this opinion, says Mar- 
shall, • all those who were engaged in high and responsible 
situations,' coincided. Here, again, we perceive the o^erm 
of those parties which arose under the federal constitution, 
at a subsequent period. The objections of Washington, 
however, were disregarded, and the new system of State 



68 THE LIFE OF 

quotas of provisions, went into operation, owing, as Mar- 
shall confesses, to " a disposition in the members of Con- 
gress, growing inevitably out of the organisation of the 
government to consult the will of the states, /rom ivhich 
they were delegated, and perhaps to j)refer their accommo- 
dation to any other object hoivever essential to the whole.''' 
On this subject, the language of Marshcdl is but the echo of 
Washington s opinions, and is so remarkable as to demand 
special attention. He says ' Under these circumstances, it 
required a degree of energy seldom found, to struggle with 
surrounding difficulties for the preservation of a general 
system; and to resist the temptation of throwing the na- 
tion, by a system of requisitions, at the feet of the states, 
where the vital principle of power, the right to levy taxes, 
was exclusively placed." 

Agents in Europe were now employed to negociate loans, 
which, to a limited extent, proved successful; while various 
schemes of compounding for the continental money in cir- 
culation, and forming the basis of a neiv issue of paper cre- 
dits, were suggested, or devised. 

About this time, the views of Washington touching the 
powers of the State sovereignties, were fully developed in 
a letter to a member of Congress, in which he thus ex- 
pressed himself: ''Certain I am, that unless Congress 
speaks in a more decisive tone— unless they are vested with 
powers by the several states, competent to the great pur- 
poses of the war, or assume them as matter of right, and 
they and the States respectively act with more energy than 
they hitherto have done, that our cause is lost. We can no 
longer drudge on in the old way. By ill-timing the adop- 
tion of measures, by delays in the execution of them, or by 
unwarrantable jealousies, we incur enormous expenses, and 
derive no benefit from them. One State will comply with 
a requisition from Congress, another neglects to do it, a 
third executes it by halves; and all difter in the manner, 
the matter, or so much in point of time, that we are always 
working up hill; and while such a system as the present one, 
or rather want of one, prevails, we ever shall be unable to 
apply our strength or resources to any advantage. 

" This, my dear Sir, is plain language to a member of 
Congress; but it is the language of truth and friendship. It 
is the result of long thinking, close application, and strict 
observation. I see one head gradually changing into 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



69 



THIRTEEN. I 866 OYie army branching into thirteen; and 
instead of looking up to Congress as the supreme controlling 
power of the United States, considering themselves as de- 
pendent on their respective states. In a word, I see the 
power of Congress declining too fast for the consequence 
and respect which are due to them as the great representa- 
tive body of .America, and am fearful of the consequences." 

The depreciation of continental money was now at its 
lowest ebb; so that the pay of a captain would not purchase 
even a pair of shoes, nor that of a major general have hired 
the horse he rode on! 

Congress now resolved to make good this depreciation of 
their pay, at a future period. But the want of ipa.j, and the 
want of rations at length produced a mutiny, which, how- 
ever, was soon quelled. 

Lafayette, having gone back to France upon the breaking 
out of the war between that power and England, returned 
to the United States in April, in a roj^al frigate, and 
brought the cheering news of the promised aid of a land and 
naval armament, to co-operate in the cause of our Indepen- 
dence. Washington received him with the joy and affec- 
tion due to an old friend, and a tried patriot, whose valour 
and enthusiasm in the American cause had been so conspi- 
cuously displayed at the battle of Brandywine. His arri- 
val imparted a fresh impulse to the Congress, and a glow of 
hope to the whole army. 

All the energies of his mind were now devoted to the 
great object of making an efficient co-operation with the 
promised aid from France, which arrived on the 10th of 
July at Rhode Island, under the Count de Rochambeau, 
with orders to place himself and forces under General 
Washington; who, to manifest his affection for the French, 
recommended to his officers, to adopt the French white 
cockade, engrafted on the black American — as a symbol of 
union and friendship. 

He now contemplated an enterprise against New York, 
which, however, he was forced io relinquish. 

For a time public attention was drawn to the defection 
of General Arnold, and the severe but just execution of 
Major Andre, of the British army, with whom Arnold ne- 
gociated to surrender the strong post of West Point. It 
must ever excite astonishment, that the Americans could 
have suffered the army to be disgraced by a man so profli 



70 THE LIFE OF 

gate, unprincipled and sordid in his moral character, and 
so equivocal in his political sentiments. His vices, well 
known before his desertion, were only proclaimed to the 
world after his treason. After being tried and disgraced 
bj a court martial, it was unquestionably a great error in 
judgment, to permit him to command an American post. 

On the occasion of this melancholy and important event, 
all the sensibilities of Washington were excited to the most 
painful and intense degree. Besides the embarrassments 
and difficulties attendant on the fate of Andre, by the novel 
and unsettled attitude of a revolutionary army, young in 
rebellion, and a government still of doubtful independency, 
and unestablished freedom, others, of a character not less 
distressing, but of an individual and personal nature, ren- 
dered it one of the most afflicting eras of his life; and the 
more that inexorable justice pleaded for the life of the Spy, 
as an atonement for an oppressed people, and their violated 
liberty, as a pledge of the eventual independence of their 
country, and as a shield against the future stroke of dis- 
guised treason, the more did compassion and humanity 
plead for the life of the victim, with the trumpet tongue of 
his virtues, his talents, his accomplishments, and his 
honour. 

Perhaps no man ever paid the penalty of death, so totally 
exempt from all the sordid attributes of crime, to take from 
the deed its natural horrors, or steel the blessed sympathy 
of the human heart by the grovelling atrocity of the victim, 
against the shedding of the blood of a fellow creature. 

Genius and virtue threw all the fascinating hues of ro- 
mance over the execution of this ill-fated son of destiny. 
Brave, generous, and lofty, endowed with the most exalted 
sense of honor, and a gallantry approaching the spirit of 
the old cavaliers of romance, possessing talents of the high- 
est order, and an intellect cultivated to the most brilliant 
point of perfection; joined to all those refined sensibilities, 
which constitute the poetry of life, and rescue us from the 
grovelling vices and debasing passions of our kind, Andre 
became an object of interest and concern to all, but in a 
particular manner to Washington, who being so richly gifted 
with the same attributes, became fully qualified to appre- 
ciate all his virtues, and to sympathise acutely in his mis- 
fortune. But, however deeply he might feel, his natural 
firmness and heroic sense of duty to his country, to liberty, 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 71 

and to independence, forbade him to disclose the agony 
which wrung his heart when he found himself constrained 
b;y^ every obligation of patriotic duty to enforce the verdict 
of the court martial; and if a tear fell to moisten the paper, 
when he appended his signature to the warrant for his exe- 
cution, it was the hallowed tribute which nature, in a vir- 
tuous bosom, ever pays to the afflictions of a noble mind, 
and redeemed the act of state policy from every vestige of 
revenge, cruelty, or design. 

The unceasing efforts of the British government to rescue 
Andre from his impending fate, did honor to the country 
in whose service his life was so fruitlessly sacrificed, and 
wipe away some of the dark stain which the honors and 
rewards they bestowed upon the traitor -knave who had 
enticed him into so disgraceful an end, and who, while 
virtue continues to be cherished, or patriotism rewarded 
with the applause of men, will continue to be doomed to 
everlasting execration, as one who combined splendour of 
talents with the perfection of crime, and whose name will 
be appropriated by the remotest generations of mankind, to 
cover with the leprosy of infamy, all vile deeds, whose 
atrocity may fail to be expressed in the common words of 
our language, which, when they fail to express the concen- 
tration of human villany, will find an ample substitute in 
the name of Benedict Arnold, 

Allied to some -of the first families of Great Britain, and 
placed by royal patronage in the highest path of preferment, 
the fate of Major Andre produced an impression which 
extended even to the heart of the throne, and drew tears 
from the brightest eyes of Europe. Contracted in vows of 
love, to one of the most beautiful and accomplished daugh- 
ters of England, the fate of Andre became a touching theme 
for the poet, as well as an instructive moral to the histo- 
rian; and while the bosom of beauty sighed over his fate, 
the lyre of the minstrel tuned a monody to his melancholy 
and ill-fated love. 

To Washington only could the execution of a sentence 
which awakened such profound and universal sympathy, 
have been fulfilled without producing imputations of cruelty, 
and a vindictive thirst of blood. But in him the mild be- 
nevolence of his heart, the lofty justice of his mind, and 
the exalted purity of his feelings and intentions, interposed 
the bulwark of humanity against the remotest suspicion of 



72 THE LIFE OF 

want of mercy. Washington never shed blood but with 
anguish, and on occasions of the most dire necessity. He 
took no delight in scenes of carnage, and never exposed the 
lives of his soldiers more than was absolutely necessary to 
the purpose in hand^ being more frugal of the expenditure 
of life than any general who ever led a squadron to the 
field, in any age, or any country. 

The entire safety of the American cause pleaded with 
irresistible eloquence in favour of the execution of Andre; 
and the flight and escape of A nold added weight to every 
consideration of policy that operated to induce the doom 
of the former. The attempt of the British alone to enter 
the American camp with overflowing purses of gold, tempt- 
ing the weak and corrupting the wicked, demanded exem- 
plary punishment on the part of the commander in chief; 
and however sophistry might quibble about the justice of 
the sentence of the court martial, on the ground that Andre 
did not enter the American lines in disguise, the fact never 
was disputed that he was arrested in disguise within the 
American lines. 

The whole deportment of Major Andre, however, was so 
frank, manly, and honourable, as to enlist among his warm- 
est champions and admirers the most zealous friends of 
American independence, who only regretted that fortune 
should have favoured the flight of the infamous traitor Ar- 
nold, while adversity cast her toils around his brilliant but 
less fortunate victim: for Andre confessed, with the frank- 
ness of a soldier, and the veracity of a man of honor, the 
object of his visit to West Point; and instead of vexing the 
case by equivocations and concealment, threw himself at 
once on the magnanimity of his foes, by avowing his real 
designs. It will, however, notwithstanding the fact of his 
disguise, ever continue a disputed point, whether he could 
strictly be viewed in the light of a spy; but the necessity 
of his execution was placed beyond a doubt, and his claim 
to be set at liberty, under all the circumstances, never 
could be fully established. But his death did not sully his 
fame, or cover him with opprobrium— having died like a 
hero as he had lived like a man of bravery and honor. The 
most rigid patriot may give a tear to his fate, feel esleem 
lor his virtues, and express admiration for his heroism, 
valour, and genius. 

The measures of Congress were still distracted by two 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 73 

opposing parties, one of which entered fully into the views 
of Washington, as to the necessity of consolidated power 
in one head; whilst the other, jealous of military supremacy, 
which they feared might prove detrimental to liberty after 
the restoration of peace, were opposed to every measure 
that aimed to give vigor to its organisation, or too much 
power to its friends. 

To counteract this disposition, he again addressed re- 
monstrances to Congress against the inefficient state of the 
army, exhorting that body to more activity, and depicting, 
in strong language, the necessity for renewed exertion, and 
more energetic preparations to take the field. A majority 
of Congress were, however, found to be opposed to his 
strong system; and a committee reported, reducing the 
numbers of the regiments, which was sustained by the 
whole body. To this Washington objected; and having 
submitted his arguments against it, and brought forward 
his own plan. Congress receded from their ground, and fell 
into his views, of ' an army entirely for the war, and half 
pay for life.' 

Few military operations occurred under W^ashington's 
command during the campaign of 1780; and of those few, 
none were of magnitude or importance enough to claim 
the attention of this liistory besides those already related. 

General Greene being appointed, at the instance of Wash- 
ington, to the command of the southern division, prosecuted 
the war in that quarter with much vigor, and some partial 
success; while a court martial was ordered to inquire into 
the conduct of General Gates, 

The battle of the Cowpens, which occurred on the 17th 
January, 1781, under Genei'al Morgan, over the troops 
of Tarleton, was the most decisive triumph of the American 
arms, that was achieved this year; the loss of the Americans 
being only eighty in killed and wounded, whilst it deprived 
Cornwallis of one-fifth of his numbers, besides arms, am- 
munition, baggage, and horses. Morgan, however, wasin 
turn compelled to retreat into Virginia, before the superior 
forces of Cornwallis, who instantly marched to intercept 
the victorious army. But our limits do not admit of our 
giving a more minute account of that section of the army, 
not immediately under the command of Washington. 

The revolt of the Pennsylvania line, in the northern army, 
thirteen hundred of whom left the army, and marched to- 

G 



74 THE LIFE OF 

wards Princeton, at one time, threatened serious conse- 
quences to the American cause, and engaged the special 
attention of Washington, but which was finally settled by 
a committee of Congress, who agreed to the terms of the 
mutineers, and nearly the whole line received their dis- 
charge. The success of this revolt now stimulated the 
Jersey line to attempt the same terms; but Washington, 
having become alarmed for the safety of the whole army, 
determined to yield to no complaints whilst they retained 
arms in their hands, and despatched General Howe to re- 
duce them to unconditional submission, and execute the 
ringleaders. This decisive step checked the spirit of re- 
volt. On both occasions, the British general attempted, 
without success, to buy over the mutineers, the want of 
pay having been the chief cause of the sedition; but the 
troops indignantly rejected the infamous terms. 

Colonel Laurens was now despatched to France to nego- 
ciate a loan, and carried with him a full exposition of the 
state of our affairs, in the form of a letter from the pen of 
Washington, breathing the purest spirit of wisdom, and 
replete with just reflections and sound views, which could 
not fail to produce a powerful impression on the cabinet 
of Versailles. 

To the untiring exertions of Washington must be ascribed 
the resolution now passed by Congress, recommending to 
the States to vest the power in Congress to levy for the 
use of the United States a duty oi five per ccntinn ad valo- 
rem on all goods, wares, and merchandise of foreign growth 
and manufacture; and on all prizes and prize goods, con- 
demned in the American courts; which was to constitute a 
fund to pay the principal and interest of all debts contracted 
in the prosecution of the war, and to continue till those 
debts shoidd be discharged. An attempt was made to be- 
stow on the federal head ^ full power to regulate commerce, 
and increase this impost at pleasure; but, as Marshall says, 
* state infiuence predominated^ and they were over-ruled by 
great majorities. Still all the States would not unite in 
the proposed limited power. 

A secretary for foreign affairs, or superintendant of 
finance, a secretary of war, and a secretary of marine, 
were now added to the other departments of government, 
for the first time. 

About the same period, the articles of confederation were 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 75 

agreed to, and ratified, as a means of prosecuting the war 
with more vigour; the property of the public lands within 
the chartered limits of some of the States, constituting the 
only impediment to its adoption,* the States in whose limits 
the vacant lands were, claiming exclusive right to themj 
and those States who had none, urging that it should con- 
stitute a joint property for the common benefit. 

Wasliington now turned his attention to repel the incur- 
sions making by Arnold into Virginia; and ordered a detach- 
ment of twelve hundred men under Lafayette, to march to 
the Chesapeake, there to be transported to Virginia, under 
convoy of a French frigate. He also addressed letters to 
Governor Jefferson, of Virginia, and the Baron Steuben^ 
to aid, assist, and advance the expedition; having given in- 
structions to Lafayette to grant Arnold no terms, which 
might avert the punishment due to his crimes. But La- 
fayette having failed in his expedition, Arnold escaped; 
and Cornwallis concentrated his forces, with the object of a 
more active and vigorous prosecution of the campaign. 

The middle and lower parts of Virginia, now became the 
theatre of a desolating war, in which private and public 
property shared an indiscriminate destruction. Among 
other plantations, Mount Vernon Avas threatened with con- 
flagration by the commander of the British vessels in the 
Potomac; and only spared in consideration of the refresh- 
ments furnished by Mr. Lund Washington, to whom the 
General had confided the care of his plantation. On this 
occasion, Washington evinced the true feelings of the pa- 
triot; for, on being informed of the circumstance of the 
enemy having spared his estate, he addressed his kinsman a 
letter couched in the following terms: '• I am sorry to hear 
of your loss; I am a little sorry to hear of my own: but, that 
which gives me most concern, is, that you should have gone 
on board the vessels of the enemy, and furnished them with 
refreshments. It would have been a less painful circum- 
stance to me, to have heard, that in consequence of your 
non-compliance with their request, they had burnt my 
house, and laid the plantation in ruins. You ought to have 
considered yourself as my representative, and should have 
reflected on the bad example of communicating with the 
enemy, and making a voluntary off*er of refreshment to 
them, with a view to prevent a conflagration." 

The Governor of Virginia, Mr. Jefferson, and most of the 



76 THE LIFE OF 

members of Congress, now united in urging Washington to 
the defence of his native state; and Lafayette expressed 
particular solicitude, that he would by his presence at 
home, rouse the people to make a spirited effort to expel 
the enemy. This request, he would not, however, comply 
with, liaving meditated a combined operation against New 
York, from which he hoped to achieve greater benefits to 
the whole union. 

Wayne having attacked the line of Cornwallis near 
Jamestown, was compelled to retreat; but the English ge- 
neral did not follow up his advantage, from an impression, 
that an assault so daring, implied a greater force than it was 
prudent to pursue. 

In conjunction with the Count De Rochambeau, Wash- 
ington now digested a plan of operations against New York. 
The American army amounted to but four thousand five 
hundred, while the French troops did not exceed fifteen 
hundred. 

Robert Morris was now appointed Superintendant of 
Finance^ and upon his talents, credit, and exertions, now 
depended the safety of the army, and the success of the 
campaign. He realised all the confidence reposed in him, 
and was the means of ensuring a successful termination of 
hostilities, so far as they depended on the sinews of war. 
Enlightened, just, and sagacious, he restored the public 
credit, replenished the military chest, and gave vigour and 
efficiency to all those necessary departments of subsistence, 
which are so indispensable to the movements of an army. 

With Mr. Morris originated the plan of a National 
Bank, which, like the project of consolidated power in the 
union, and a standing army at the nod of the federal go- 
vernment, has excited so much controversy and opposition. 
The capital was to consist of four hundred thousand dollars 
by private subscription; to be incorporated by government, 
and subject to the inspection of the Superintendant of 
Finances, their notes being receivable by all as specie, the 
states, as well as the federal government. Congress 
passed an act of incorporation for this Bank on the 31st of 
December, 1781. 

At the same time, he contracted with government to 
farm the taxes of Pennsylvania, for which he engaged to 
furnish the army with flour, a contract which he punctually 
fulfilled, and the advantages of which were inappreciable. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 77 

Washington having found the enemy too powerful and 
vigilant in New York, to admit of a successful attack with 
inferior forces, now turned his attention towards the 
South, as the most eligible field for decisive operations^ and 
Lafayette was directed so to dispose of his troops as to 
prevent Cornwallis from escaping, by a sudden march to 
Charleston. 

The Count De Grasse arrived in the Chesapeake, with 
twenty-eight sail of the line, and several frigates late in 
August, whe. e he received full intelligence of the situation 
of the armies, from an officer despatched by Lafayette for 
that purpose. In the mean while. Lord Cornwallis was 
fortifying himself in Yorktown. In compliance with his 
orders from Washington, Lafayette had occupied a position 
on James River, to oppose any movement of the Eno-lish 
general to escape to South Carolina. Four French ships of 
the line, and several frigates, were now ordered to blockade 
the mouth of York River, and convey the land forces under 
the Marquis St. Simon, to form a junction with the troops 
of Lafayette. 

Washington having determined to direct the active ope- 
rations of the allied armies against Lord Cornv allis, imme- 
diately prepared to carry his plan into effect without delay, 
and with all possible vigour. To General Heath, he as- 
signed the defence of the posts on the Hudson, and the duty 
of protecting the surrounding country. Washington as- 
sumed in person the lead of the southern expedition. 

After many feints and manoeuvres, for the purpose of in- 
ducing the enemy to believe, that his object was Staten 
Island, he put both armies in motion, and having crossed 
the Hudson at King's Ferry, on the 25th of August, com- 
menced his march for the Chesapeake; and so well had he 
managed to divert the attention of the English general from 
his real destination, that he had accomplished the passage 
of the Delaware, before the enemy suspected the real point 
of his hostility, and when it became too late to molest or 
obstruct him on his march. 

While Washington was on his way to Virginia, Sir Henry 
Clinton, with a view, perhaps, of recalling him to a defence 
of the North, planned an expedition against New London, 
which he entrusted to the command of General Arnold, 
who, having stormed and captured the town, put the Ame- 
ricans to the sword after their surrender, in cold blood, and 
G2 



78 THE LIFE OF 

with a cowardly ferocity, every way characteristic of the 
heart of a traitor; after which, with the dark spirit of a 
midnight incendiary, the town was devoted to the torch of 
conflagration, by which the wanton destruction of private 
property was immense and afflicting. 

But Washington was not to be diverted from his design 
against Cornwallis; and having quickened his march, he 
reached Williamsburg, on the 14th of September, attended 
by the Count De Rochambeau, and the Chevalier De Cha- 
telleux, having previously made arrangements for the safe 
transportation of his army from the head of Elk to Balti- 
more. 

His troops having arrived, Washington invested York- 
town, on the 25th of September; while the French admiral 
completely blockaded the town on the side of the mouth of 
James and York rivers. 

Some uneasiness was now excited among the Americans, 
by the information of six ships of the line, and some troops 
iiaving arrived at New York, under Admiral Digby, to 
reinforce the English. 

Stimulated to renewed exertion, lest the British general 
should be relieved by a large reinforcement promised from 
New York, Washington pressed the siege with such unex- 
ampled rapidity, that, on the 11th of October, the second 
parallel was opened within three hundred yards of the Bri- 
tish lines; and on the 14th, several redoubts of the enemy 
were carried by storm. Victory after victory perched on 
the banners of the combined armies; and every day beheld 
the works of the English sinking beneath the incessant fire 
of tlie gallant besiegers; and on the 17th, having become 
altogether untenable. Lord Cornwallis beat a parley to 
propose a cessation of hostilities for twenty -four hours, to 
allow commissioners to meet to settle the terms for the sur- 
render of Yorktown and Glocester, which being definitively 
agreed to on the 19tli of October, Cornwallis surrendered 
his posts, with the garrisons that had defended them, toge- 
ther with the British shipping in the harbour, including 
their seamen, to the land and naval officers of America and 
France. The prisoners amounted to 7000 men. 

The allied army under the command of Washington, was 
estimated at 16,000 men. 

The capture of Yorktown, and the army of Cornwallis, 
being one of the most brilliant and important achievements 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 79 

of the revolutionaiy war, excited a commensurate degree 
of triumph and exultation, througout the United States, as 
the precursor of peace, as well as the means of glory. Con- 
gress greeted the event with a joj more than proportioned 
to its magnitude; and resolutions passed that body, return- 
ing the thanks of tlie nation to General Washington, to the 
Count De Rochambeau, to the Count De Grasse, and to the 
officers of the allied armies in general. A marble column 
commemorative of the event, to be erected in Yorktown, 
was also voted; besides two stands of colours being pre- 
sented to Washington. 

In addition to these manifestations of their high sense of 
the achievement. Congress issued a proclamation appoint- 
ing a day for a general thanksgiving, for this signal inter- 
position of Providence. 

The lustre which this victory threw around the character 
of Washington, cast into shade whatever previous fame his 
talents had won, or his virtues had extorted. The voice of 
public praise rose to the pitch of enthusiastic veneration. 
Addresses,- conceived in sincere gratitude, and couched in 
terms bordering on affectionate idolatry, poured in upon him 
from every city, town and hamlet of the union: as if the 
nation had been delivered of a devouring monster by his 
signal prowess, or rid of a wasting pestilence by his healing 
virtues. State governments, city authorities, learned in- 
stitutions, and every variety of public bodies seemed to 
emulate each other, in the ardent expressions of the pro- 
found sense they entertained of his important services; of 
their sincere attachment to his person, and of their warm 
admiration for his character. Still, this praise neither ex- 
cited him to vanity, nor inspired him with presumption. 

Washington now urged the French admiral to co-operate 
in the prosecution of the war, until the British should be 
entirely expelled from the southern states, particularly in- 
voking his aid against Charleston; but tlie prior plan of 
operations agreed on by the French squadron, prevented a 
compliance with his wishes. 

General Green was now reinforced by a body of troops 
under General St. Clair, with orders to take Wilmington 
in his route to Charleston, and to dispossess the enemy of 
the former post. The French troops remained in Virginia: 
the Count De Grasse sailed for the West Indies, and 
Washington proceeded to Philadelphia; while Lafayette 
had permission to return to France. 



80 THE LIFE OF 

I'he southern campaign was now prosecuted with vigour 
and success; but the nearly equal division of the people into 
whigs and tories, imparted to their hostilities a deep dye 
of vindictive passion, malignant ferocity, and cruel revenge. 
Bloody desolation marked the footsteps of the English foe, 
and the tory Americans: but still, victory hovered over the 
banner of freedom, and General Green obtained merited 
applause for his southern triumphs. 

Not elated by his recent victory, Washington kept his 
mind steadily fixed upon preparations for the ensuing cam- 
paign of 1782; and, instead of relaxing, he determined to 
add fresh vigour to his exertions, to bring the war to a ter- 
mination. In a letter to General Green, written at Mount 
Vernon, he thus discloses his opinions and designs, which 
evince not less wisdom in the man, than modest and un- 

fjresuming merit in the general: " I shall attempt to stimu- 
ate Congress to the best improvement of our late success, 
by taking the most vigorous and eftectual measures to be 
ready for an early and decisive campaign the next year. My 
greatest fear is, that, viewing this stroke in a point of light 
which may too much magnify its importance, they may 
think our work too nearly closed, and fall into a state of 
languor and relaxation. To prevent this error, I shall 
employ every means in my power; and if, unhappily, we 
sink into this fatal mistake, no part of the blame shall be 
mine." 

On the 27th of November, 1781, Washington arrived at 
Philadelphia, and Congress granted him an audience on the 
succeeding day, in order to aid in the proper establishment 
of the army; the same causes, want of money, inefficient 
taxation, and conflicting powers in the union and the state 
authorities, as those we have already related, having ope- 
rated to enfeeble and derange it; the same remedies, there- 
fore, were recommended by him, and the same difficulties 
obstructed their application. On this occasion, he again 
addressed circular letters to the States. 

Happily for the Independence of America, the force of 
public opinion in Great Britain, was fast inclining that go- 
vernment to overtures of a general peace, and a disposition 
to recognise the independence of the United States; and, 
notwithstanding the warlike tone of the King's speech, at 
the opening of Parliament in November, the current soon 
began to run counter to the royal pleasure, and a large mi- 



GEORGE WASHIXGTOK. 81 

nority in favor of peace daily swelled its numbers, until it 
eventually shook the throne in the resolutions of a majority. 
A change of ministry, at first led to negociations, and 
finally terminated in peace, on the 19th of April, 1783. 

Every event on the part of the United States, had, for 
some time, been conspiring to render a peace absolutely 
necessary to their preservation. The treasury was ex- 
hausted of its last dollar. No portion of the taxes could be 
realised: the army was discontented, because impoverished; 
and seditious, because smarting under wrongs, which it had 
power, as well as inclination, to redress. Washington, ever 
watchful over the welfare of his country, had exhausted the 
resources of his genius, the influence of his character, and 
the force of his eloquence, to remove or mitigate these evils; 
but in vain: even his influence was compelled to wane, be- 
neath a combination of evils, which no human fortitude 
could endure, nor patience submit to. Still, AVashington 
had the address, the singular address and good fortune, not 
to quell the spirit which sought for justice, but to turn the 
feelings that were inflamed by wrongs, into a harmless 
channel. On this occasion, his services to his country, 
were not of less importance, than his most brilliant military 
achievements; and being based on feelings of equity, bene- 
volence and justice, they far eclipse in moral grandeur, the 
most sanguine trophies that a martial victor ever displayed 
to the applause of people, intoxicated by the glare of glory. 

Measures were now adopted for disbanding the army; 
but the wants of the treasury opposed serious obstacles to 
this proceeding: and a part of the Pennsylvania line having 
revolted, they marched from Lancaster to Philadelphia, 
where, being joined by other licentious soldiers, they be- 
sieged Congress in the State House, and compelled that 
body to adjourn to Princeton. In the mean time, Wash- 
ington had ordered a detachment of fifteen hundred men, 
to suppress the mutiny; but before their arrival, the sedition 
had been quelled without bloodshed. 

Thus terminated the war of seven years for American 
Independence, of which Washington had been, in so great 
a measure, the chief pillar and support: which originated in 
a difterence apparently trifling; which was prosecuted 
through a series of difficulties and embarrassments, unex- 
ampled in the history of mankind; and which was finally 
achieved by those unseen combinations, and auspicious 



82 THE LIFE OF 

events, which baffle and perplex the sagacity of man, at the 
same time that they excite his gratitude and admiration. 

Throughout this long and arduous struggle, the whole 
America I people displayed tliose virtues M'hich most en- 
noble human nature; and their patience, toil, suft'ering, 
bravery, and forbearance, entitle them to rank with any 
nation on the face of the globe. But, in a peculiar manner 
were they indebted to those shining virtues in tlie character 
of Washington, which, combined with his higli faculties of 
genius and intellect to conduct them triumphantly through 
its tiery ordeal, and place them on the eminence, whose 
lofty and glittering peak, attracted the attention and ap- 
plause of the world. Commenced without preparation; 
equally destitute of money, arms and discipline, the Revo- 
lution depended almost wholly for success, upon the genius 
and resources of the commander in chief; whose peculiar 
character alone fitted him to uphold it amidst adversity, 
rally it under defeat, and preserve it unbroken amidst con- 
vulsions. The experience in the case of General Gates, 
fully evinced what would have been its melancholy catas- 
trophe, had the impetuous ambition of a liery and adventu- 
rous commander, led on its starved battalions; or an in- 
triguing and unprincipl*ed adventurer, like Conway, or 
Arnold, had the disbursement of its funds, or the manage- 
ment of that suffering and seditious mass of undisciplined 
men, who could only be preserved in subordination by the 
personal influence of George Washington — his virtues, his 
genius, and his patriotism. 

On the 25th of November, 1783, the British evacuated 
New York, and the American troops took possession of the 
town. Washington, accompanied by Governor Clinton, 
now made -his public entry into the city; after which, he 
proposed to bid adieu to his companions in arms, prior to a 
resignation of his military command. 

The account wliich Gordon has given us of this parting 
scene, would suffer by any abridgement: " This affecting 
interview took place on the 4th of December. At noon, 
the principal officers of the army assembled at Francis' 
tavern; soon after which, their beloved commander entered 
th-; room. His emotions were too strong to be concealed. 
Fill ins: a glass, he turned to them and said, * With a heart 
full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of you; I most 
devoutly wish that your latter days may be as prosperous 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 83 

and happy, as your former ones have been glorious and 
honourable.' Having drank, he added, ' I cannot come to 
each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged to you, 
if each of you will come and take me by the hand.' Gene- 
ral Knox being nearest, turned to him; incapable of utter- 
ance, Washington grasped his hand, and embraced him. 
In the same attectionate manner, he took leave of each suc- 
ceeding officer. In every eye stood the tears of dignified 
sensibility; and not a word was articulated to interrupt the 
majes'ic silence and the tenderness of the scene. Leaving 
the room, he passed through the corps of light infantry, and 
walked to A\ hitehall, where a barge awaited to carry him 
to Pawles Hook. The v/hole company followed in mute 
and solemn procession, with dejected countenances, testi- 
fying the feelings of delicious melancholy, which no lan- 
guage can describe. Having entered the barge, he turned 
to the company, and, waving his hat, bade them a silent adieu. 
They paid him the same affectionate compliment, and after 
the barge had left them, returned in the same solemn man- 
ner to the place where they had assembled." 

Congress was then in session at Annapolis, and thither 
Washington repaired, to resign his commission into their 
hands. This eventful ceremony took place on the 23d of 
December, 1783. Having been introduced by the Secre- 
tary, he delivered the following address: 

*'Mr. President. — The great events on which my re- 
signation depended, having at length taken place, I have 
now the honour of offering my sincere congratulations to 
Congress, and of presenting myself before them, to surren- 
der into their hands, the trust committed to me, and to 
claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my 
country. 

*' Happy in the confirmation of our independence and 
sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the 
United States, of becoming a respectable nation, I resign 
with satisfaction, the appointment I accepted with diffi- 
dence; a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous 
a task, which, however, was superseded by a confidence in 
the rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme 
POWER OF THE UNION, and the patronage of Heaven. 

" The successful termination of the war has verified the 
most sanguine expectations; and my gratitude for the inter- 
position of Providence, and the assistance I have received 



84 THE LIFE OF 

from my countrymen, increases with every review of the 
momentous contest. 

«' While I repeat my obligations to the army in general, 
I should do injustice to my own feelings, not to acknow- 
ledge in this place, the peculiar services and distinguished 
merits of the gentlemen who have been attached to my per- 
son during the war. It was impossible the choice of confi- 
dential officers to compose my family, should have been 
more fortunate. Permit me, Sir, to recommend in particu- 
lar, those who have continued in the service to the present 
moment, as worthy of the favourable notice and patronage 
of Congress. 

" I consider it as an indispensable duty to close this last 
act of my official life, by commending the interests of our 
dearest country, to the protection of Almighty God, and 
those who have the superintendence of them to his holy 
keeping. 

"Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire 
from the great theatre of action, and bidding an affectionate 
address to this august body, under whose orders I have so 
long acted, I here oifer my commission, and take my leave 
of all the employments of public life." 

To this address. Congress returned an appropriate reply, 
couched in the spirit of gratulation, praise and affection. 

Finding himself thus relieved from the cares of public 
life, he now retired to Mount Vernon, followed by the 
esteem, admiration, gratitude and love of the whole Ame- 
rican people. 

It would, perhaps, have been more consonant to the un- 
obtrusive and simple principles of genuine republicanism, 
had this virtuous and laudable feeling of veneration for their 
late chief, been restrained within the limits of addresses, 
resolutions, and declarations of gratitude and attachment, 
instead of manifesting its extravagance in statues, monu- 
ments, and columns, whose pomp seemed to reflect the 
tinsel of royal governments, and might tend to corrupt the 
integrity of republican truth. Great by nature, and still 
greater by his virtues, no outward homage could increase 
his glory, no splendour of magnificence inflate him with 
pride. 

Unmoved by the torrent of adulation which flowed upon 
iiim, he devoted his hours to domestic happiness, and the 
pursuits and improvements of agriculture, which had al^ 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 85 

ways been his favourite occupation. His feelings in his 
new retirement will be best understood by his own expres- 
sion of them. In a letter to Governor Clinton, three days 
after his reaching Mount Vernon, tie says: *The scene is 
at length closed. I feel myself eased of a load of public 
care, and hope to spend the remainder of my days in culti- 
vating the affections of good men, and in the practice of the 
domestic virtues.' In another to Lafayette, he thus unfolds 
the sound philosophy of his mind and benevolent emotions 
of his heart: ''At length, my dear Marquis, I have become 
a private citizen on the banks of the Potomac, and, under 
the shadow of my own vine and my own fig tree, free from 
the bustle of a camp, and the busy scenes of public life, I 
am solacing myself with those tranquil enjoyments, of 
which the soldier, who is ever in pursuit of fame* — ^the 
statesman whose watchful days and sleepless nights are 
spent in devising schemes to promote the welfare of his own, 
perhaps the ruin of other countries, as if this globe was 
insufficient for us all — and the courtier, who is always 
watching the countenance of his prince, in the hope of 
catching a gracious smile, can have very little conception. 
I have not only retired from all public employments, but 
am retiring within myself, and shall be able to view the 
solitary walk, and tread the paths of private life, with 
heartfelt satisfaction. Envious of none, I am determined 
to be pleased with all; and this, my dear fi'iend, being the 
order of my march, I will move gently down the stream of 
life, until I sleep with my fathers." 

It was evident, how ever, that this desire of private con- 
tentment, required a struggle; and that his mind, long ac- 
customed to public command, could not immediately sub- 
side into the tranquil current of domestic ease. In a letter 
to General Knox, he thus depicts this difficulty of weaning 
his thoughts from the turmoil of public aft'airs: '' I am just 
beginning to experience the ease and freedom from public 
cares, which, however desirable, takes some time to realise; 
for, strange as it may seem, it is nevertheless true, that it 
was not until lately, I could get the better of my usual 
custom of ruminating, as soon as I awoke in the morning, 
on the business of the ensuing day, and of my surprise at 
finding, after revolving many things in my mind, that I was 
no longer a public man, or had any thing to do with public 
transactions. I feel now, however, as I conceive a wearied 

H 



86 



THE LIFE OF 



traveller must do, who, after treading many a painful step 
with a heavy burden on his shoulders, is eased of the latter, 
having reached the haven to which all the former were di- 
rected, and from his house-top is looking back, and tracing 
with an eager eye, the meanders by which he escaped the 
quicksands and mires which lay in his way, and into which 
none but the all powerful guide and dispenser of human 
events, could have prevented his falling." 

He now devoted himself to agriculture, and plans of in- 
ternal improvement, for which purpose he explored the 
western parts of Virginia, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, and 
particularly directed his attention to improve the navigation 
of the Potomac and James Rivers. Extending his views to 
the western country, he gave a luminous exposition of the 
sound policy of connnecting that section of the union more 
closely with the eastern states, by means of internal im- 
provements. 

How deeply the love of fame was implanted in his heart, 
and how pure was his ambition which thirsted for glory, 
will appear from an extract of his letter, in which he de- 
clined to receive a donation of one hundred and fifty shares 
in the Potomac and James River Navigation Company, 
from the States of Virginia and Maryland, who seized that 
occasion to testify their gratitude and respect towards him, 
in a substantial form. 

*' Not content," (he writes,) " with the bare conscious- 
ness of my having in all tliis navigation business, acted 
upon the clearest conviction of the political importance of 
the measure, I would wish that every individual who may 
hear that it was a favorite plan of mine, may know also, 
that I had no other motive for promoting it, than the advan- 
tage of which I conceived it would be productive to the 
union at large, and to this state in particular, by cementing 
the eastern and western territory together, at the same time 
that it will give vigour and increase to our commerce, and 
be a convenience to our citizens. 

" How would this matter be viewed then, by the eye of 
the world, and what opinion would be formed, v/hen it 
comes to be related, that G**'*** \y*****«-*** exerted him- 
self to eftect this work, and that G***** w******** ■" has 
received twenty thousand dollars^ ?inAJive thousand pounds 
sterling of the public money as an interest therein? Would 
not this, (if I am entitled to any merit for the part I have 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 87 

performed, and without it there is no foundation for the 
act) deprive nie of the principal thing which is laudable in 
my conduct? Would it not, in some respects, be considered 
in the same light as a pension? and would not the appre- 
hension of this induce me to offer my sentiments in future, 
with the more reluctance? In a word, under whatever 
pretence, and hoAvever customary these gratuities may be 
in other countries, should I not thenceforward, be consi- 
dered as a dependant?— one moment's thought of which 
would give me more pain than I should receive pleasure 
from the product of all the tolls, was every farthing of them 
vested in me." 

An invidious mind might detect a spark of pride in this 
sentiment, but a liberal one would perceive nothing but the 
most exalted patriotism! The stock thus declined for his 
private emolument, being appropriated by him to the esta- 
blishment of two seminaries of learning. 

The pride of station, and the ostentation of rank peculiar 
to royal governments, are not only necessary to the safety 
of the King, but indispensable to the pomp and glitter of a 
court: hence, they are as foreign to the simplicity of a re- 
public, and the virtuous habits of a free and equal people, 
as pure republican principles would be inconsistent with, as 
well as destructive of, royal power and regal magnificence. 

Happily for the fame of Washington, the project for the 
establishment of the society of the Cincinnati, did not ori- 
ginate with him. "This idea," (says Marshall) "was 
suggested by General Knox, and matured in a meeting com- 
posed of the generals, and of deputies from the regiments, 
at which Major General le Baron Steuben presided. An 
agreement was then entered into, by which the officers were 
to constitute themselves into one society of friends, to en- 
dure as long as they should endure, or any q/* their eldest 
MALE posterity; and in failure thereof, any collateral 
branches who might be judged worthy of becoming its sup- 
porters and members, were to be admitted into it. To 
mark their veneration for that celebrated Roman, between 
whose situation and their own, they found some similitude, 
they were to be denominated the Society of the Cincin- 
nati. Individuals of the respective States, distinguished 
for their patriotism and abilities, might be admitted as 
honorary members for life, provided their numbers should 
at no time exceed a ratio of one to four. 



88 THE LIFE OF 

" The society was to be designated by a medal of gold, 
representing the American eagle, bearing on its breast the 
devices of the order, which was to be suspended by a deep 
blue ribband, edged with white,^^ &c. &c. Of this new 
order, Washington M^as unanimously chosen president. 

''AVithout experiencing any open opposition," (says 
Marshall] " this institution was carried into complete effect; 
and its nonours, especially by the foreign officers, Avere 
sought with great avidity. But soon after it was organised, 
those jealousies, which in its first moments had been con- 
cealed, burst forth into open view. In October, 1783, a 
pamphlet was published by Mr. Burk, of South Carolina, 
for the purpose of rousing the apprehensions of the public, 
and of directing its resentments against the society. Per- 
ceiving in the Cincinnati, the foundation of an hereditary 
ORDER, whose base, from associating with the Military the 
chiefs of the powerful families in each State, would ac- 
quire a degree of solidity and strength admitting of any 
superstructure, he pourtrayed, in that fervid and infectious 
language, which is the genuine offspring of passion, the 
dangers to result from the fabric which would be erected 
on it. The Ministers of the United States too, in Europe, 
and the political theorists who cast their eyes towards the 
west for support to favorite systems, having the privi- 
LEDGED ORDERS coustautly iu vicw, were loud in their 
condemnation of an institution, from which a race of no- 
bles WAS EXPECTED TO SPRING. Tlirougliout cvcry State 
the alarm was spread, arid a high degree of jealousy per- 
vaded the mass of the people. " 

Washington endeavoured to procure a modification of 
some of the aristocratic features of the institution, but 
without success. 

The same apprehensions of this society have continued to 
exist up to the present period, although much diminished 
by the extinction of its original members, wrought by the 
hand of time, and the progress of free principles. 

Experience having proved the articles of confederation, 
under which the thirteen States were united together, to be 
insufficient for the prosperous, efficient, and harmonious 
government of the whole, especially for the preservation of 
the PUBLIC CREDIT, and the payment of the public debt; 
the design of substituting a more efficient union, began to 
be generally entertained. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 89 

I have already adverted to the two great parties, into 
which the country was divided; one in favor of the sove- 
reignty of the States, and the other inclining to invest the 
federal government with powers so absolute and unlimited, 
as to make the union paramount, and reduce the States to 
entire subserviency to the union: one being in favour of 
THE NATION — the othcr giving a preference to a cluster of 
independent republics. Hence a wide contrariety of opi- 
nion prevailed, as to the measures to be adopted, to eyisure 
union, without endangering liberty I 

Many of the officers of the army had been elected to the 
Congress of 1783, and these formed the head of that party 
which inclined to vest supreme power in the union. 

At the head of this party, for such it indubitably was, 
stood George Washington — unsurpassed in genius and ta- 
lent — ^unrivalled in purity and patriotism. 

I have already alluded to the manner in which the mili- 
tary attitude of Washington, and his contact to the civil 
power, had gradually inducted him into speculations of 
government peculiar to the practical statesman; and that 
sad experience of the evils of a relaxed system of polity, 
had deeply imbued his mind in favor of that high toned 
authority which assimilates to martial discipline and vigour. 
In accordance with these ideas, prompted by his extreme 
solicitude for the good of his country, he addressed on the 
8th of June, 1783, a circular letter to the Governors of the 
several States respectively, from which I must cite the fol- 
lowing extracts. Speaking of the option of government 
left to the United States, he says: "This is the time of 
their political probation; this is the moment when the eyes 
of the whole world are turned upon them; this is the mo- 
ment to establish, or ruin their national character forever; 
this is the favourable moment to give such a tone to our 
federal government, as will enable it to answer the ends of 
its institution, or this may be the ill-fated moment for re- 
Taxing the powers of the Union, annihilating the cement of 
the confederation, and exposing us to become the sport of 
European politics, which may play one State against ano- 
ther, to prevent their growing importance, and to serve 
their own interested purposes. For, according to the sys- 
tem of policy the States shall adopt at this moment, they 
will stand or fall; and by their confirmation or lapse, it is 
yet to be decided, whether the revolution must ultimately 

H2 



90 



THE LIFE OF 



be considered as a blessing or a curse — a blessing or a 
curse, not to the present age alone, for, with our fate, will 
the destiny of unborn millions be involved." 

''There are four things which I humbly conceive, are 
essential to the well-being, I may even venture to say, to 
the existence of the United States, as an independent 
power. 

" 1st. An indissoluble union of the States under one 
federal head. 

" 2d. A sacred regard to public justice. 

" 3d. The adoption of a proper peace establishment, and 

"4th. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly 
disposition among the people of the United States, which 
will induce them to for get their local prejudices and politics, 
to m,ake those mutual concessions which are requisite to the 
general prosperity, and in some instances, to sacrifice 
THEIR individual advantages to the interest of the 

COMMUNITY. 

"These are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of 
our independency and national character must be support- 
ed. Liberty is the basis, and whoever would dare to sap 
the foundation, or overturn the structure, under whatever 
specious pretext he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest 
execration, and the severest punishment which can be in- 
flicted by his injured country." 

Such sentiments not only ennoble and dignify, but im- 
mortalise their author; and whatever prejudices he may 
have cherished in favour of a vigorous authority in the 
Union, were more than atoned for by the purity of his pa- 
triotism, and the exalted honesty of his heart. 

Again, in the same letter, breathing nothing but hallow- 
ed patriotism, he says, " It is only in our united character 
that we are known as an empire, that our independence is 
acknowledged, that our power can be regarded, or our cre- 
dit supported among foreign nations. The treaties of the 
European powers with the United States of America, will 
have no validity on a dissolution of the Union. We shall 
be left nearly in a state of nature, or we may find, by our 
own unhappy experience, that there is a natural and neces- 
sary progression from the extreme of anarchy to the ex- 
treme of tyranny, and that arbitary power is most easily 
established on the ruins of liberty abused to licentious- 
ness. " 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 91 

But, however forcible in the abstract, or desirable in the 
practice, may be the principle of energy and coercion, to 
fulfil the ends of government, it may still be questioned, 
whether in the present era of the world, it is feasible to 
apply the doctrine of force and compulsion towards the in- 
dividual States of the confederacy, even supposing it to be 
sanctioned by the terms of the compact. The progress of 
human rights, even in Europe, has interposed public opi- 
nion, to arrest the most despotic powers of •the most an- 
cient regal dynasties, embedded in the tyranny and barba- 
rism of feudal systems, and gothic absolutism. Power 
claimed to be derived from Heaven, or resting on the moss 
covered columns of Rome, or Constantinople, or emerging 
from the glimmer of right, under the vague sanction of a 
charter, has, in every clime been melted by the sun of li- 
berty into a form in some degree plastic, under the force of 
PUBLIC opinion. In a government founded on rights, and 
not on compulsion, justice and truth, not the edge of the 
sword, is both the arbiter of right, and the bloodless aven- 
ger of wrong: for Vifree goveryiment can only be preserved 
by i;o/zmf«r?/ submission; and no motive for its preservation 
will be found to exist, when, leaving the tnoral energies of 
its citizens to look to physical coercion, the principle of 
cohesion is rejected, for the action of momentary impulsion, 
which the instant it ceases, is followed by the rebound of 
discord and ruin. But these remarks will only apply to 
the case of States, not individual citizens; and to ques- 
tions of organic controversy, not legal obligations and 
penalties. 

He watched with peculiar solicitude, the conduct of the 
States, in relation to the revenue system of 1783, by which 
they were required to grant to Congress the power to levy 
imposts; but which the jealousy of the State of New York 
had reserved to itself, and was not willing to part with to 
the national government. On this subject, he seems to 
have/e/^ with passioii, and to have thought imth an energy 
and glow, to which, on ordinary questions, he was an utter 
stranger. In a letter written by him in October, 1785, he 
said, '' The war, as you have very justly observed, has ter- 
minated most advantageously for America; and a fair field 
is presented to our view; but I confess to you freely, my 
dear Sir, that I do not think we possess wisdom or justice 
enough to cultivate it properly. Illiberality, jecdousy and 



92 THE LIFE OF 

local policy, mix too much in all our public councils, for the 
good government of the Union. In a word, the confedera- 
tion appears to me to be little more than a shadow without 
the substance; and Congress a nugatory body, their ordi- 
nances being little attended to. To me, it is a solecism in 
politics: indeed, it is one of the most extraordinary things 
in nature, that we should confederate as a nation, and yei 
be afraid to give the rulers of that nation, who are the crea- 
tures of our own making, appointed for a limited and short 
duration, &c. By such policy as this the wheels of go- 
vernment are clogged, and our brightest prospects, and that 
high expectation which was entertained of us by the won- 
dering world, are turned into astonishment; and from the 
high ground on which we stood, we are descending into the 
vale of confusion and darkness.''' 

In answer to a letter from General Lafayette, in 1784, 
Washington thus expressed himself in relation to American 
affairs : "It is one of the evils of democratic governments, 
that the people, not ahvays seeing, and frequently misled, 
must often feel before they act right. But evils of this 
nature seldom fail to work their own cure. It is to be la- 
mented, nevertheless, that the remedies are so slow, and 
that those who wish to apply them seasonably, are not at- 
tended to before they suffer in person, in interest, and in 
reputation. I am not without hopes that matters will soon 
take a favourable turn in the federal constitution. The 
discerning part of the community have long since seen the 
necessity of giving adequate powers to Congress for national 
purposes, and those of a different description, must yield 
to it ere long." 

These arguments were not conceived with his usual 
acumen; for it was not the want of knowledge, but the de- 
mocratic jealousy of power in the Union, which retarded 
the consummation for which he so devoutly prayed. The 
progi-ess of events soon made this apparent, in the rise of 
two great parties in every State, ' which, ' as Marshall 
says, ' were distinctly marked, and ivhich pursued distinct 
objects with systematic arrangement.' 

One was rigid in justice, strict in public faith, friends to 
a vigorous course of taxation, and an energetic exercise of 
law and power, and strictly opposed to all relaxation of 
principles, as well as considerations of feeling, for individual 
distress, or national weakness. In fine, it embraced every 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



idea and principle, which went to constitute an aristocracy 
of virtue and talents; and on this ground it advocated an 
enlargement of the powers of the federal government, com- 
mensurate to the grand object of * the dignity and character 
of the nation abroad, and its interests at home. ' ' The 
other party,' says Marshall, 'marked out for itself a more 
indulgent course. Viewing with extreme tenderness the 
case of the debtor, their efforts were unceasingly directed 
to his relief. To exact a faithful compliance with contracts 
was a measure too harsh to be insisted on, and was one 
which the people would not bear. They were uniformly in 
favour of relaxing the administration of justice, of affording 
facilities for the payment of debts, or of suspending their 
collection, and of remitting taxes. The same course of 
opinion led them to resist every attempt to transfer from 
their own hands into those of Congress, powers which by 
others were deemed essential to the preservation of the 
Union. ' 

The latter party constituted a decided majority of the 
People. The former comprehended men of great wealth, 
of political distinction, and eminent family honours, as well 
as the officers, in general, of the army and navy. 

The contests between these parties now began to rage 
with great animation, whenever the period returned for the 
annual elections of public officers. 

. The project for a convention of the States, to revise the 
state of the Union, originated with Virginia, in January 
1786, and had its first conception at Mount Vernon, from 
the lips of Washington himself, whose paternal solicitude 
for his country was excited to the highest pitch, by the 
breach of the public faith in the matter of the national debt 
— the general embarrassments of the country— the confusion 
of political principles, and sovereign powers— and last, but 
not least, the virulence and rage of party conflicts, and jar- 
ring doctrines of tolerant liberty and inflexible justice. 

To which of these parties Washington belonged will be 
seen from an extract from his Letter to the Governors of 
the States, already adverted to; and which will, at the same 
time, display the causes of their difference, as above detailed 
by Marshall, He says " The ability of the country to dis- 
charge the debts which have been incurred in its defence, is 
not to be doubted; an inclination, I flatter myself, will not 
be wanting. The path of our duty is plain before us. Ho- 



94 THE LIFE OF 

nesty will be found, on every experiment, to be the best, 
and only true policy. Let us, then, as a nation, be just; 
let us fulfil the public contracts which Congress had un- 
doubtedly a right to make, for the purpose of carrying on 
the war, with the same good faith we suppose ourselves 
bound to perform our private engagements. In the mean 
time, let an attention to the cheerful performance of their 
proper business as individuals, and as members of society, 
be earnestly inculcated on the citizens of America. Then 
will they strengthen the hands of government, and be happy 
under its protection. Every one will yield the fruit of his 
labours — every one will enjoy his own acquisitions without 
molestation, and without danger." If these views were 
correct, still much allowance ought to be made for those 
who opposed them, when it is considered how recently the 
People had escaped from the oppressive yoke of Britain; 
and that the power of taxation, and an absolute govern- 
ment, had been the cause of their disruption from the crown 
of England. It was a pardonable error, if an error, to lean 
on the side of right, liberty, and ease, in preference to tax- 
ation, energetic authority, and voluntary iinpoverishment. 
But this will more fully appear as we proceed in the history 
of the great father of his country. 

It having been settled that the Convention should meet 
in Annapolis, in the month' of September, 1786, public 
attention was excited to an intense degree, in every section 
of the Union, upon the subject of its deliberations. Among 
others, Washington stood prominent for the boldness of his 
sentiments, and the magnitude of the powers to be vested 
in the Federal Union. In reply to a letter from Mr. Jay, 
he thus expresses himself : — '' Your sentiments that our 
affairs are drawing rapidly to a crisis, accord with my own. 
What the event will be is also beyond the reach of my 
foresight. We have errors to correct; we have probably 
had too good an opinion of human nature in forming our 
confederation. Experience has taught us that men will not 
adopt and cai-ry into execution measures the best calculated 
for their own good, without the intervention q/* coercive 
POWER. I do not conceive we can exist long as a nation, 
without lodging somewhere a power which will pervade the 
tvhole Union in as energetic a manner as the authority of 
the State governments extends over the several States. To 
be fearful of investing Congress, constituted as that body 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 95 

is, with ample authorities for national purposes, appears 
to me the very climax of popular absurdity, and madness. 
Could Congress exert them for the detriment of the people, 
without injuring themselves in an equal or greater propor- 
tion? Are not their interests inseparably connected with 
those of their constituents ?" &c. "^ Many are of opinion 
that Congress have too frequently made use of the suppliant 
humble tone of requisition in applications to the States, 
ivhen they had a right to assert their imperial digmty, 
and COMMAND obedience. Be that as it may, requisitions 
are a perfect nullity, where thirteen sovereign, independent 
disunited States, are in the habit of discussing, and refusing 
or complying with them at their option. Requisitions are 
actually little better than a jest and a bye-word throughout 
the land. If you tell the liegislatures they have violated 
the treaty of peace, and invaded the prerogatives of the 
confederacy, they will laugh in your face. What then is 
to be done ? Things cannot go on in the same train forever. 
It is much to be feared, as you observe, that the better kind 
of people, being disgusted with these circumstances, will 
have their minds prepared for any revolution whatever. 
We are apt to run from one extreme into another. To 
anticipate and prevent disastrous contingencies, would be 
the part of wisdom and patriotism." 

In the succeeding extract, we behold one of the most 
astonishing proofs of his ardent love of liberty, that reason 
could induce us to look for, or imagination realise in its 
wildest visions of human perfection; and which stamps him 
as inferior to none of the great champions of equal rights 
and human liberty. 

" What astonishing changes a few years are capable of 
producing! I am told, that even respectable characters 
speak of a monarchical form of government without horror. 
From thinking proceeds speaking, thence to acting, is often 
but a single step. But how irrevocable and tremendous! 
what a triumph for our enemies to verify their predictions ! 
what a triumph for the advocates of despotism to find that 
we are incapable of governing ourselves, and that systems 
founded on the basis of equal liberty are merely ideal 
and fallacious! Would to God that wise measures may be 
taken in time to avert the consequences we have but too 
much reason to apprehend. 

*' Retired as I am from the world, I frankly acknowledge 



96 THE LIFE OF 

I cannot feel myself an unconcerned spectator. Yet, hav- 
ing happily assisted in bringing the ship into port, and 
having been fairly discharged, it is not my business to em- 
bark again on a sea of troubles. 

" Nor could it be expected that my sentiments and opi- 
nions would have much weight on the minds of my coun- 
trymen. They have been neglected, though given as a last 
legacy in the most solemn manner, I had then, perhaps, 
some claims to public attention. I consider myself as 
having none at present." 

In this last sentiment, the father of his country under- 
rated his own weight of character, and undervalued the 
sagacity and virtue of the people to appreciate his opinions, 
and pay deference to his judgment. Like all great minds, 
he was too precipitate in pronouncing judgment on his own 
weight of reputation, and, because the people would not im- 
mediately and implicitly adopt his views, he hastened to 
the unjust conclusion, that he was neglected, and that the 
public no longer esteemed the edicts of his genius, or the 
suggestion of his patriotism. 

The Convention to revise the federal government being- 
assembled at Annapolis, it was found that five States only 
had deputed commissioners — New York, New Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia. Mr. 
Dickerson being appointed president, they proceeded to the 
discussion of the object of their meeting, but finding their 
powers too limited to arrive at any profitable results, and 
that a minority of the States only were represented, they 
resolved to adjourn without any final action on the subject; 
having agreed to submit reports to their respective States, 
representing the expediency of revising ancl extending the 
federal system; for which purpose they recommended the 
appointment of deputies by the State Legislatures, to meet 
in Convention in the city of Philadelphia, on the 2d of 
May, 1787. 

The Legislature of Virginia^ in conformity to this re- 
commendation, passed an act for the appointment of depu- 
ties, to assemble in convention at Philadelphia, for the pur- 
poses specified in the report of the Convention at Annapolis. 

Against his wishes, and in opposition to his remon- 
strances, Virginia placed Washington at the head of her 
deputation to the federal convention, for reasons which Mr, 
Madison thus detailed in a letter addressed to him: "It 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 97 

has been thought advisable to give this subject a very so- 
lemn dress, and all the weight which could be derived from 
a single State. This idea will also be pursued in the se- 
lection of characters to represent Virginia in the federal 
convention. You will infer our earnestness on this point, 
from the liberty which will be used of placing jour name at 
the head of them. How far this liberty may correspond 
with the ideas by which you ought to be governed, will be 
best decided where it must ultimately be decided. In 
every event it will assist powerfully in marking the zeal of 
our legislature, and its opinion of the magnitude of the 
occasion." This appointment, so flattering to the pride of 
Washington, and so important to the country, he subse- 
quently accepted, after many arguments and objections, all 
of which, however, were wholly detached from the merits 
of the question, or the principles involved in it. 

It was certainly a spectacle of a novel character, to be- 
hold the eyes of all men turned towards Washington, in 
this civil crisis of the republic, to take a lead in the Con- 
vention, that was to revise and permanently settle the con- 
stitution of the United States. It was the more singular, 
from the fact, that his education was not scholastic, nor his 
studies in the civil or national law such as to qualify him to 
take a seat on equal grounds with such profound scholars 
and jurists, as Madison, Franklin, Adams, Jefferson, 
and others. Yet such was the fact, that the genius of 
Washington, combined with good sense, practical know- 
ledge, and much experience, had qualified him for this task 
in a very eminent manner, and had even rendered him 
superior, in some respects, to those who were most pre- 
eminently qualified, in a mechanical sense, to discharge 
the duties of the important tasks assigned them. 

The fact, however, cannot be concealed, that Washing- 
ton had been in reality, the President of the United States, 
during the whole period of his military command — Congress 
having always acted by his promptings, or under his coun- 
sel and advice 5 so that his perpetual contact with the civil 
authority, and his influence over its deliberations, invested 
him witli power, even greater than that of a Roman Dicta- 
tor; while it excited his mind to a perpetual investigation 
of all those great principles, which enter into the formation 
of government, not as a theory, but a practiced system, 
where the means proposed were to be chosen directly in 



98 THE LIFE OF 

reference to the ends proposed to be attained. It is as a prac- 
tical statesman, that we are to consider Washington — one 
who derived his knowledge from experience and observa- 
tion, and who paid as little regard to abstract principles, or 
scientific deductions, in devising the means adapted to salu- 
tary ends, as he felt disposed to regard with indifference, 
the study of systems, and the forms of shadows, when the 
substance stood before him, ready to be grasped, and pre- 
pared for all the uses of beneficial application to the go- 
vernment and happiness of mankind. 

Insurrections having broken out in Massachusetts, in all 
the forms of ultra democracy, inimical alike to liberty, law, 
property, peace, and the personal safety of the citizen, 
Washington experienced all the anxiety and solicitude of a 
fond father, for the menaced fate of his beloved country; 
and in a letter to his friend, Colonel Humphries, he thus 
poured forth his feelings, and expressed his fears. "For 
God's sake, tell me," said he, "what is the cause of all 
these commotions. P do they proceed from licentiousness, 
British influence disseminated by the tories, or real griev- 
ances which admit of redress? If the latter, why was re- 
dress delayed until the public mind had become so much 
agitated.^ If the former, why are not the powers of govern- 
ment tried at once? It is as well to be without, as not to 
exercise them. Commotions of this sort, like snow -balls, 
gather strength as they roll, if there is no opposition in the 
way to divide and crumble them." 

In answer to this, the Colonel thus describes the causes 
of the tumults: " I believe there are a few real grievances; 
and also some wicked agents, or emissaries, who have been 
busy in magnifying the positive evils, and fomenting cause- 
less jealousies and disturbances. But it rather appears to 
me, that there is a licentious spirit prevailing among many 
of the people; a levelling principle; a desire of change; and 
a wish to annihilate all debts, public and private.'^ 

General Knox assigned the same causes to JVashingtoti, 
to explain the eastern insurrections: '' The insurgents," he 
said, " were chiefly of the young and active part of the 
community, who were more easily collected than kept to- 
gether. Desperate and unprincipled, they would probably 
commit overt acts of treason," &c. " It is indeed, a fact," 
he observed, "that high taxes are the ostensible cause of 
the commotion; but that they are the real cause is as far 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 99 

remote from truth, as light is from darkness. The people 
who are the insurgents, have never paid any, or but very 
little taxes. But they see the weakness of government. 
They feel at once their own poverty^ compared with the opu- 
lent, and their own force; and they are determined to m,ake 
use of the latter^ in order to remedy the former. Their 
creed is, that the property of the United States has been 
protected from confiscation by the joint exertions of all, and 
therefore ought to be common to all. And he that attempts 
opposition to this creed, is an enemy to equity and justice, 
and ought to be swept from the face of the earthP 

Such were the representations that were made to Wash- 
ington, of the piratical character of the American people^ by 
those high-toned officers of the army, who had access to his 
ear. Such representations, wliether too highly coloured, or 
but faithful pictures of the real state of the popular mind in 
New England^ could not fail to make a deep and painful 
impression on the mind of Washington, and to impregnate 
him with the idea, that the entire democracy of the Union 
was about to apply the hand of pillage to the fortunes of the 
opulent, and the sword of assassination to the throats of the 
virtuous. That his idea of the evil had been extravagantly 
exaggerated by these accounts, appears from some parts of 
liis reply to the letter last quoted. " 1 feel, my dear Ge- 
neral Knox," says Washington, " infinitely more than I 
can express to you, for the disorders which have arisen in 
these States. Good God! who, besides a tory, could have 
foreseen, or a Briton have predicted them.'^ I do assure 
you, that even at this moment, when I reflect upon the pre- 
sent aspect of our alFairs, it seems to me like the visions of 
a dream. My mind can scarcely realise it as a thing in 
actual existence — so strange, so wonderful does it appear 
to me. In this, as in most other matters, we are too slow. 
When this spirit first dawned, it might probably have been 
easily checked; but it is scarcely within the reach of human 
ken, at this moment, to say when, where, or how it will 
terminate. There are combustibles in every State, to zvhich 
a spark might setfire.'''^ 

Colonel Lee, a member of Congress, having addressed 
Washington a letter on the same subject, invoking him to 
throw the influence and weight of his personal character in 
the scale opposed to this seditious movement, the General 
answered him in a strain so decidedly in favour of the 



100 THE LIFE OF 

prompt application of coercive measures on tlie part of the 
Union, that it deserves to be quoted, as well for its illus- 
tration of his energetic character, as for its analogy to re- 
cent movements in the Southern States; and which may 
excite regret in some, and exultation in others, that lie 
could exhort to so severe, but so just an application of the 
remedy oi force. Still, every opinion he utters is the opi- 
nion of a patriot, a sage, and a statesman, and are every 
way wortliy of his genius and his fame. 

"You talk, my good Sir," he writes in his answer to 
Colonel Lee, '''• of employing influence to appease the pre- 
sent tumults in Massachusetts. I know not where that 
influence is to be found; nor, if attainable, that it would be 
a proper remedy for these disorders. Influence is not go- 
vernment. Let us have a government, by which our lives, 
liberties and properties will be secured; or let us know the 
worst at once. Under these impressions my humble opi- 
nion is, that there is a call for decision. Know precisely 
w^hat the insurgents aim at. If they have real grievances, 
redress them if possible, or acknowledge the justice of them, 
and your inability to do it in the present moment. If they 
have not, employ the force of government against them at 
once. If this is inadeqnatp. all will be convinced that the 
superstructure is bad, or wants support." 

'' These are my sentiments. Precedents are dangerous 
things. Let the reins of government then be braced, and 
held with a steady hand, and every violation of the Consti- 
tution be reprehended. If defective^ let it be amended^ but 
not sufferecl to be trampled upon while it has an existence." 

As I consider the developement of the feelings and opi- 
nions of Washington upon this insurrection, to constitute 
the most important part of his life, as well as affording to 
the people of the United States, a solemn and instructive 
lesson against the evils of anarchy, and the calamities of 
disunion, I shall pursue the subject to its close, as I feel 
bound to make a solemn appeal to every American, to re- 
ceive the admonitions of Washington, as a political father^ 
whose sole care was the freedom and happiness of this peo- 
ple, and whose only aim was the untarnished glory and fame 
of our common country. 

His friend. Colonel Humphries, now addressed him a let- 
ter, in which he thus expressed himself in relation to the 
delicate and critical attitude of Washington. '' In case of 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 101 

civil discord, I have already told you, it was seriously my 
opinion, that you could not remain neuter; and that you 
would be obliged, in self-defence, to take part on one side 
or the other, or withdraw from the continent. Your friends 
are of the same opinion; and I believe you are convinced, 
that it is impossible to have more disinterested or zealous 
friends, than those who have been about your person." 

In his reply, the General said, and his sentiments deserve 
to be indelibly engraved upon every heart — "It is with 
the deepest and most heartfelt concern, I perceive by some 
late paragraphs extracted from the Boston papers, that the 
Insurgents of Massachusetts, far from being satisfied with 
the redress offered by their general court, are still acting in 
open violation of law and government, and have obliged the 
cliief magistrate, in a decided tone, to call upon the militia 
of the State, to support the constitution. What, gracious 
God 1 is man, that there should be such inconsistency and 
perfidiousness in his conduct. It is but the other day that 
we were shedding our blood to obtain the constitutions un- 
der which we now live — constitutions of our own choice 
and making; and now, we are unsheathing the sword to 
overturn them. The thing is so unaccountable, that I 
hardly know how to realise it, or to persuade myself that 
I am not under the illusion of a dream." 

Happily for Washington, the insurrection was quelled by 
a small force of the Boston militia, with little loss of lives, 
and in the course of a few days. But its influence on the 
approaching measures of the Federal Convention, was very 
great, as it inclined public opinion to strengthen and en- 
large the powers of the Union. 

The suspicion that Washington favoured a resort to 
FORCE, or military power, in preference to enlarging the 
authority of the Union, by a Convention of the States^ 
having been propagated to his disadvantage. General Knox, 
who l>efore had dissuaded him from attending as a delegate, 
now changed his opinion, and exhorted him to accept the 
appointment of his native State. Knox, in his letter says: 
'* W^ere you not to attend the Convention, slander and ma- 
lice might suggest, that force ivould be the most agreeable 
tnocle of reform to you. When civil commotion rages, no 
purity of character, no services however exalted, can afford 
a secure shield from the shafts of calumny." 

' ' On the other hand, the unbounded confidence the people 
12 



102 THE LIFE OF 

have in your tried patriotism and wisdom, would exceed- 
ingly facilitate the adoption of any important alterations 
tliat might be proposed by a Convention of which you were 
a member, and (as I before hinted) the President.'^'' 

The Convention now met at Philadelphia, the represen- 
tatives from twelve States, having presented themselves, 
Rhode Island only having been averse to the scheme. 
Washington having been unanimously chosen President^ 
they immediately, with closed doors, began to prosecute the 
great and important subject of their congregation. 

On the 17th of September, 1787, the Convention was 
proclaimed to the people, accompanied by a resolution, that 
the fruit of their labours should be ' laid before the United 
States in Congress assembled;' and should afterwards be 
submitted to a convention of delegates chosen in each 
State by the people thereof, under the recommendation of 
its I^egislature, for their assent and ratification — its ratifi- 
cation by nine States being retjuired as the condition of its 
going into operation. 

The Constitution, thus framed, was transmitted by 
Washington to Congress, in a letter written by him, in 
which it was said to be " the result of a spirit of amity, and 
of that mutual deference and concession, M^iich the peculi- 
arity of their political situation rendered indispensable." 
** That it will meet the full and entire approbation of every 
State," he continued, '^is not, perhaps, to be expected^ 
but each will doubtless consider, that had her interests been 
alone considted, the consequences might have been, particu- 
larly disagreeable or injurious to others. That it is liable 
to as few exceptions as could reasonably have been ex- 
pected, we hope and believe; that it may promote the last- 
ing welfare of that country so dear to us all, and secure her 
freedom and liappiness, is our most ardent wish." 

It may safely be alleged, when we consider the vast dis- 
parity of views, discrepancy of principles, and discordancy 
of feeling, which prevailed in the convention, that its adop- 
tion was chiefly owing to the personal influence and politi- 
cal \veight of character which, on tlie score of wisdom, 
purity, and patriotism, attached to the presence of Wash- 
ington^ who, soaring above all imputation of party, or 
undue bias, reposed on the broad doctrines of national hap- 
piness, political liberty, and united independence. This 
idea is fortified and confirmed by tlie strenuous opposition 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 103 

made to it by those who constituted the democratic pha- 
lanx, and who advocated the unimpaired sovereignty of the 
States, and a constitution based on the principle of a Union 
of hidependent Nations, in each of whom the sovereign 
power should reside without abatement or deduction, Bj 
these, the apprehension was cherished, that the cradle of 
the federal constitution would prove ' the grave of repub- 
lican liberty.' Delusion and fallacy could extend no further. 

It was mainly on this ground of ' State Sovereignty,'' 
that the constitution reported by the convention, was op- 
posed on the part of some of the States 5 and that parties, 
arrayed against federal power, entered warmly into the 
discussion of its merits, in the interim between its promul- 
gation by the convention, and its ratification by the States. 
To elucidate its merits, and enforce and illustrate its vir- 
tues, three of tiie most distinguished friends of Washing- 
ton, noted for their political acumen, profound knowledge 
of jurisprudence, power of argument, and force of style, 
united their labours, in a series of papers, under the title of 
the *' Federalist;" the joint production of Alexander 
Hamilton, John Jay, and James Madison; whilst, on the 
side of State sovereignty, popular rights, and limited go- 
vernment, were arrayed the powerful pens of the great 
champions of democracy: each party straining every nerve 
to prevent, or secure its ratification by the States. 

Here, again, the weight and influence of Washington''s 
character secured a result, which, without the authority of 
his name, and the magic power of his virtues, could not 
have been produced; for there is conclusive reason to be- 
lieve, that had the JState Conventions been left purely to the 
naked merits of the Constitution, the ratification* by the 
number of States required to give it effect, could not have 
been obtained. Even Marshall is constrained to admit, that 
in some of the adopting States, a majority of the people 
were in opposition to it, and were only brought to acquiesce 
in its provisions, from a just dread of the calamitous conse- 
quences of a dismemberment of the Union, rather than from 
an approbation of the instrument which had been submitted 
for their sanction; and from a deference to the character 
of Washington, which no other man could have inspired. 

The parties that divided on this momentous question, 
never afterwards reunited. The controversy was waged 
with warmth, and, in some cases, conducted with acrimony; 



104 THE LIFE OF 

but where feelings were not embittered, convictions became 
only more strengthened by opposition; and the causes of 
difterence, residing in a radical disparity of condition and 
fortune, or an equally insuperable inequality of views, in- 
tellect and reason; the minority, though vanquished, still 
remained unconvinced; and, holding v/ith all the tenacity of 
right, to opinions which they conceived founded in justice, 
and sanctified by liberty, they waited in patience, to fight 
over the same battle on another field; resolved never to re- 
linquish that sovereignity of the States, which they deemed 
essential to freedom, but to vindicate their opinions by 
concentrating the suffrages of the people upon those candi- 
dates, who would favour anti-federal doctrines, and thus 
eftectually nullify a constitution in practice, which they 
wanted moral force to resist in theory. Thus became per- 
petuated those embittered feuds of the two parties, denomi- 
nated Federal and Democratic; one clinging, under the 
guarantee of the constitution, to the supreme power of the 
Union, and the other tenaciously contending for a relaxed 
government and State sovereignty, by popular appeals to the 
people, and a rally of democracy at the polls. 

Although every American must always bow with reve- 
rence before this monument of human wisdom^ and rational 
liberty, yet, while we admire the beauty of its structure, 
the harmony of its parts, and the grandeur of the whole 
edifice, we may be permitted to lament, that its framers 
should have omitted to devise so essential a part of its or- 
ganisation, as a TRIBUNAL explicitly as well as fully author- 
ised and empowered to decide, in the last resort, on ques- 
tions of doubtful powers exercised by the Union and the 
States; and without which final power in some tribunal, the 
States and the Union have been left to be the interested 
judges of the extent of their respective rights, powers, and 
sovereignties. This organic defect is the more to be de- 
plored, as no occasion happened during the administration 
of Washington, to enable him to give the weight of his tes- 
timony on so fundamental a question: the western insurrec- 
tion not being an analogous case, but a mere oppugnation 
of individuals to laws acknowledged on all hands to be con- 
stitutionally enacted. * The great defect of the constitution 

* This is adinltted by Mr. Jefferson himself! See Letter to Madi- 
son, quoted in Life of Jefferson. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 105 

being, that when a power exercised by the federal govern- 
ment is denied to be authorised by that instrument, by a 
sovereign State, there is no tribunal to which to appeal, to 
settle the controversy — the functions of the Supreme Court 
only extending to laws made in pursuance of the constitu- 
tion; thus leaving the States to decide in Convention, 
against laws, which may not be clearly and fully warranted 
by the letter of the federal compact. Some consolation for 
this omission, however, is to be found in the fact, that the 
number of such unauthorised laws must ever be rare, whilst 
the people remain virtuous, their rulers honest, and the 
press free and untrammelled. 

Eleven states having ratified the constitution in 1788, 
measures were put in preparation to carry its provisions 
into effect. North Carolina and Rhode Island dissented, 
and New York reluctantly concurred. 

It is impossible to doubt, that we are indebted to the 
great virtues, and unequalled popularity of Washington, 
for the formation, as well as the ratification of the federal 

CONSTITUTION. 

Under a conviction of this fact, no sooner was the new 
political system about to be arranged into practice, than 
public attention became rivetted to Washington, as the 
first President of the United States. His valour, wisdom, 
prudence, and virtues, had achieved our independence* 
when, without him, it must, in all probability, ha^ e failed. 
His wisdom, perseverance, patriotism^ and influence, had 
secured us a national constitution, wlien, without him, 
we should have broken into fragments, and sunk into anar- 
chy and confusion: and it was but a just and rational de- 
duction from these premises, that he alone, so pre-eminent 
for his virtues, and so distinguished for his triumphs, both 
civic and military, could be placed in the chair without 
exciting the clamour of party, or giving birth to the invidi- 
ousness of envy; for, to no party, but to that of his country, 
did he belong; and whatever* differences mi^ht prevail 
among the people, or the leaders, it never impaired the un- 
bounded confidence of the former in his patriotism, or pro- 
voked the malice of the latter, to question his motives: and, 
such a president was demanded as well by the friends as 
by the opponents of the new system, that its excellences 
might be developed with his skill and firmness, or its de- 
fects, if any, arrested and supplied by his wisdom, mode- 
ration, and virtue. 



106 THE LIFE OF 

Another consideration of great and potent weight, like- 
wise pointed to him, on this occasion, as the individual best 
qualified to carry into practice, the untried provisions of 
the new constitution: and this was, his intimacy with the 
designs, intentions, and meaning of the convention that 
formed it; and which his official situation as President of it, 
enabled him so fully to understand, and qualified him so 
admirably to administer, in his favourite branch oi practi- 
cal jurisprudence. Other considerations, too, had their 
weight, which were not easily defined, or specially referable 
to any one peculiar trait of his gigantic character, but 
which arose from the general grandeur of his lofty and tow- 
ering virtues, m hich soared above all the common features 
of human frailty; and which pointed to him, with instinc- 
tive judgment, such as we feel towards the colossal statues 
of the gods, as the best qualified to control the destinies of 
mankind. Universal veneration, universal love, universal 
confidence, the feelings, the judgment, and the wisdom of 
men, all pointed to Washington, the untutored hero of the 
new world, as the first who should exercise the power of 
President of the United States, 

Having avowed his determination no longer to endure the 
cares of public life, the first effort of his friends, was to 
wean him from his retirement, and persuade him to com- 
vUte the splendid work which he had thus far perfected — 
the FOUNDATION OF THE REPUBLIC ! For tliis purpose, those 
who stood highest in his esteem, and possessed the most 
influence over his mind, importuned him yet to sacrifice 
for the public good, and the glory of his country. His 
friend, Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, thus addressed him: 
" We cannot do without you, and I, and thousands more, 
can explain to any body but yourself, why we cannot do 
without you." Governeur Morris wrote: "I have ever 
thought, and have ever said, that you must be the Presi- 
dent; no other man can fill that office. No other man can 
draw forth the abilities of our country into the various de- 
partments of civil life. You, alone, can awe the insolence 
of opposing factions, and the greater insolence of assuming 
adherents. I say nothing of foreign powers, nor of their 
ministers; with these last you will have some plague. As 
to your feelings on this occasion, they are, I know, both 
deep and affecting; you embark property most precious, on 
a most tempestuous ocean: for, as you possess the highest 



GEORGE WASHINGTON, 107 

reputation, so jou expose it to the perilous chance of popu- 
lar opinion. On the other hand, you will, I firmly expect, 
enjoy the inexhaustible felicity of contributing to the hap- 
piness of all your countrymen. You will become the father 
of more than three millions of children; and while your 
bosom glows with parental tenderness, in theii-s, or at 
least in a majority of them, you will excite the dutious 
sentiment of filial affection. This, I repeat it, is what I 
firmly expect; and my views are not directed by that en- 
thusiasm which your public character has impressed on the 
public mind. Enthusiasm is generally short-sighted, and 
too often blind. I form my conclusions from those talents 
and virtues which the world believes, and which your friends 
know you possess." 

Other and stronger letters from his friends in different 
sections of the Union, pressed him to the same point; and, 
among other reasons urged by his friend Colonel Lee, was 
the apprehension, that the rally of the enemies of the con- 
stitution, making in the several States, in opposition to the 
new system, would certainly prove but too successful, 
were any other less popular character placed in the Presi- 
dential chair. 

In his reply to the letter of Colonel Lee, General Wash- 
ington observed, " Your observations on the solemnity of 
the crisis, and its application to myself, bring before me 
subjects of the most momentous and interesting nature. In 
our endeavours to establish a new general government, the 
contest, nationally considered, seems not to have been so 
much for glory as existence. It was for a long time doubt- 
ful whether we were to survive as an independent republic, 
or decline from our federal dignity into insignificant and 
wretched fragments of empire. The adoption of the consti- 
tution so extensively, and with so liberal an acquiescence 
on the part of the minorities in general, promised the for- 
mer; but lately the circular letter of New York has mani- 
fested, in my apprehension, an unfavourable, if not an insi- 
dious tendency, to a contrary policy. I still hope for the 
best; but before you mentioned it, I could not help fearing 
it would serve as a standard to which the disaffected might 
resort. It is now evidently the part of all honest men, 
who are friends to the new constitution, to endeavour to 
give it a chance to disclose its merits and defects, by carry- 
ing it fairly into effect, in the first instance. 



108 



THE LIFE or 



.' The principal topic of your letter is, to me a point of 
rrreat delicacy indeed, insomuch that I can scarcely without 
fome mp'opriety, toucli upon it. In the first place, he 
evTnt to which j4. allude, may never happen, among other 
reasons, because, if the partiality of my fellow citizens con- 
cave i to be a mean by whicli the sinews of the new go- 
vernment would be strengthened, it will, of consequence, 
be Xnoxious to those wlm are in opposition to it, many of 
whom" unquestionably, will be placed among the electors. 

"This consideratimi alone would supersede the expe- 
diency of announcing any definitive and irrevocable reso- 
utiom You are anmng'the small number "l /hose wh° 
kimw my invincible attachment to domestic I'f^' Jjnd Aat 
m V sincerest wish is to continue in the enjoyment of it solely 
"n^til my fina hour. But the world would be neither so 
well instructed, nor so candidly disposed, as to believe me 
to be uninfluenced by sinister motives m case any circum- 
stance should rende/a deviation from the line of conduct I 
had orescribed for myself indispensable. Should the con- 
tfn Jncy yousuggest take place, and (for argument sake 
alone let me say) should my unfeigned reluctance to accept 
?le office be overcome by k deference for the reasons and 
opinions of m^Wends, might I not, after the declarations 
r avrmadc^and heaven" knows they were made in the 
sincerity of m) heart,) in the judgment of the impartial 

orld and of p'^steri.y^ be chargeable -* le-ty and m- 
consistency, if not with rashness and ambition ? Nay, far- 
ther, 'S there not even be some apparent foundation 
for the two former charges ? ^ows jus Uce to " If -d 
tranouiUity of conscience require that I shou d act a pait, 
f noTabove imputation, at least capable ot vindication Nor 
will you conceive me to be too solicitous for reputa on 
Though I prize as I ought the good opmion of my fellow 
ciSs, yet, if I know myself, I would not seek or retain 
popularHy at the expense of one social dutys or moral vir- 
fi^r While doing what my conscience informed me was 
rWt as it respected my God, my country, and myself, I 
could despise all the pirty clamour and unjust censure 
which mul be expected from some whose personal enmity 
mth be occasioned by their hostility to the goven— 
i am conscious that I fear alone to give any '■';a »c— 
for obloquy, and that I do not dread o ">eet «f ""^^^ 
rited reproach. And, certain I am, whensoever I shall be 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 109 

convinced the good of my countrj requires my reputation 
to be put in riscjue, regard for my own fame will not come 
in competition with an object of so much magnitude." 

*' If 1 declined the task, it would he upon quite another 
principle. Notwithstanding my advanced season of life, 
my increasing fondness for agricultural amusements, and 
my growing love of retirement, augment and confirm my 
decided predilection for the character of a private citizen, 
yet, it will be no one of these motives, nor the hazard to 
which my former reputation might be exposed, or the terror 
of encountering new fatigues and troubles, that would deter 
me from an acceptance; but, that a belief that some other 
person, who had less pretence, and less inclination to be 
excused, could execute all the duties full as satisfactorily 
as myself. To say more, would be indiscreet, as a disclo- 
sure of a refusal beforehand, might incur the application of 
the fiible, in which the fox is represented as undervaluing 
the grapes he could not reach. You will perceive, my dear 
Sir, bv what is here observed (and which you will be pleased 
to consider in the light of a confidential communication) 
that my inclinations will dispose and decide me to remain 
as I am, unless a clear and insurmountable conviction 
should be impressed on my mind, that some very disagree- 
able consequences must, in all human probability, result 
from the indulgence of my wishes." 

His friend, Colonel Hamilton, having joined in a similar 
solicitation, Washington responded in the same manner, 
repeating the sentiments that he had uttered to Mr. Morris. 

In answer to a letter from General Lincoln, on the same 
subject, he thus expressed himself, in language so earnest, 
and feeling so intense, as to leave no room for a suspicion, 
that he sincerely desired to escape further hcmours, and 
repose amidst the tranquil shades of his plantation. '* I 
would willingly pass over in silence, that part of your let' 
ter, in which you mention the persons who are candidates 
for the two first offices in the executive, if I did not fear 
the omission might seem to betray a want of confidence. 
Motives of delicacy have prevented me hitherto from con- 
versing, or writing on this subject, whenever I could avoid 
it with decency. I may, however, with great sincerity, 
and, I believe, without offending against modesty, or pro- 
priety, say to yov., that I most heartily wish the choice to 
which you allude, might not fall upon me, and that if it 

K. 



110 THE LIFE OF 

should, I must reserve to myself the right of making up my 
final decision, at the last moment, when it can be brought 
into one view, and when the expediency or inexpediency of 
a refusal can be more judiciously determined than at pre- 
sent. But, be assured, my dear Sir, if, from any induce- 
ment, I shall be persuaded ultimately to accept, it will not 
be (so far as I know my own heart) from any of a private 
or personal nature. Every personal consideration conspires 
to rivet me (if I may use the expression) to retirement. At 
my time of life,* and under my circumstances, nothing in 
this world can ever draw me from it, unless it be a convic- 
tion that the partiality of my countrymen had made my ser- 
vices absolutely necessary, joined to 3. fear that my refusal 
might induce a belief that I preferred the conservation of 
my own reputation and private ease to the good of my coun- 
try. After all, if I should conceive myself in a manner 
constrained to accept, I call heaven to witness, that this very 
act would be the greatest sacrifice of my personal feelings 
and wishes, that ever I have been called upon to make. It 
would be to forego repose and domestic enjoyment for 
trouble, perhaps for public obloquy: for, I should consider 
myself as entering upon an unexplored field enveloped on 
every side with clouds and darkness. 

''From this embarrassing situation, I had naturally sup- 
posed, that my declarations at the close of the war would 
have saved me; and, that my sincere intentions, then pub- 
licly made known, would have effectually precluded me 
forever afterwards, from being looked upon as a candidate 
for any office. This hope, as a last anchor of worldl^^ hap- 
piness in old age, I had still carefully preserved, until the 
public papers and private letters from my correspondents 
in almost every quarter, taught me to apprehend that I 
might soon be obliged to answer the question, whether I 
would go again into public life or not?" 

In his answer to an epistle from Lafayette, pressing him 
to the same point, he repeats the same sentiments, with this 
addition: "Nothing short of a conviction of duty will in- 
duce me again to take an active part in public affairs. And, 
in that case, if I can form a plan for my own conduct, my 
endeavours shall be unremittingly exerted (even at the 
hazard of former fame or present popularity) to extricate my 

* Only 57!!! 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. Ill 

country from the embarrassments in which it is entangled, 
through want of credit; and to establish a general system of 
policy, which, if pursued, will ensure permanent felicity to 
the commonwealth. I think I see a path, as clear and as 
direct as a ray of light, which leads to the attainment of that 
object. Nothing but harmony, honesty, industry, and 
FRUGALITY, are necessary to make us a great and happy 
people. Happily, the present posture of aftairs, and the 
prevailing disposition of my countrymen, promise to co- 
operate in establishing those four great and essential pillars 
of public felicity. " 

At length, the elections for Electors of President and 
Vice-President, under the new constitution, took place: and 
on the 6th of April, 1789, the votes were opened, and 
counted in the Senate, when it appeared, that George 
Washington was unayiimously elected President of the 
United States by the people, and John Adams Vice-Presi- 
dent, to serve for four years from the 4th of March, 1789. 

W^hen we consider the animosity of parties, the great 
proportion of the people who were already arrayed under 
the banners of the anti-federalists, and the violent eftbrts 
which were made to depress the first movement of the new 
constitution, it will excite some surprise, that even the 
^reat popular weight of Washington's character, should 
have frowned down all opposition to him; and that the 
people of so immense and diversified a tract of country, 
should have united without a dissenting voice among the 
electors, in conferring upon him the supreme executive 
power of the Union ! 

As aifording some evidence of the reluctance with which 
he consented to assume this new dignity, and as illustrative 
of that modesty and diffidence which were natural to his 
great mind, I shall quote an extract from one of his letters 
to General Knox, upon the subject of his elevation to office. 
" I feel for those members of the new Congress, who, hith- 
erto, have given an unavailing attendance at the theatre of 
action. For myself, the delay may be compared to a re- 
prieve; for, in confidence, I tell you (with the world it 
would obtain little credit) that my movements to the chair 
of government will be accompanied by feelings not unlike 
those of a culprit who is going to the place of his execution; 
so unwilling am I in the evening of life, nearly consumed 
in public cares^ to quit a peaceful abode for an ocean of 



112 THE LIFE OF 

difficulties, u-ithout that competency of political akilU abili- 
ties, and inclinations, which are necessary to manage the 
helm. I am sensible that I am embarking the voice of the 
people, and a good name of my own on this voyage,* but 
what returns will be made for them. Heaven alone can fore- 
tell. Integrity and firmness are all I can promise; these, 
be the voyage long or sliort, shall never forsake me, although 
I may be deserted by all men; for, of the consolations which 
are to be derived from these, under any circumstances, the 
world cannot deprive me." 

His election was announcetl to him at Mount Vernon, on 
the l4thof April, 1789, by Charles Thomps(m, Secretary of 
the late Congress; and two days after, he set out to assume 
the duties of government, accompanied by Mr. Thompson 
and Colonel Humphreys, In his diary, he has thus de- 
scribed his feelings upon this eventful occasion: "About 
ten o'clock, I bade adieu to Mount Vernon, to private life, 
and to domestic felicity, and, with a mind oppressed imth 
Viore anxious and painful sensations than I have ivords to 
express, set out for New York, in company with Mr. Thomp- 
son^ and Colonel Humphreys, witli the best dispositions to 
render service to my country, in obedience to its call, hut 
with less hope of answering its expectations,''^ 

With every disposition to appreciate the merit of the sa- 
crifice which Washington, on this occasion, made of his 
private ease to his public duty, I must confess that the en- 
comiums which have been so profusely lavished upon this 
act of his life, do not seem fully warranted by the real 
nature of the case. Whatever may have been his motives, 
and we acknowledge them to have been hoin lofty and pure, 
still, as it must be considered as the crowning act of his 
glory, which was to consummate his fame, and hand him 
down to posterity, equal, if not superior, to Solon, Lycurgus, 
Alfred, and Constantine, as the founder, of an empire, and 
the father of his country, the sacrifice was not so great, on 
a final, as an immediate view of it. A laudable and virtuous 
ambition was to be gratified, by the greatest acquisition of 
vast and unbounded renown. Heretofore, the fame of a 
soldier had glittered on his brow, and wreathed his helmet 
with imperishable laurels; but the reputation of the States- 
Tnan had not been his; and although the labour and peril of 
carrying out into practice the new features of an untried 
government were great, yet the credit and glory of success. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 113 

were proportionablj enhanced, and promised the greatest 
reward, in the applause and affection of unborn millions, 
to which human virtue ever could attain. At the same time, 
we are bound to believe, that his reluctance to undertake 
the arduous task was sincere^ and that his diffidence in his 
ability to perform it, was the unaffected effusion of a modest 
and upright heart, and a mind too great not to be humble. 
On his way to New York, various public marks of respect 
and affection, strewed his path with flowers, and solaced 
him for his sacrifice of privacy to the public weal. A vo- 
lunteer escort conducted him into Alexandria, where a pub- 
lic dinner was prepared to greet him, and where an address, 
replete with just encomium and sincere attachment, was 
presented, to which he responded with his characteristic 
modesty. At Georgetown, the same testimonial of public 
confidence awaited himj and ?ii Philadelphia, the splendour 
of his reception partook of the pomp of a Roman triumph^ 
and the magnificence of a modern coronation. The city was 
illuminated, and its streets thronged with a dense mass of 
people, who had been attracted from all the surrounding 
country. At Trenton, the same demonstration of a nation's 
joy and pride, surrounded him with honours that he blushed 
to receive, and would fain have dispensed with: but the sex 
best beloved by man, stood in his path to do homage to the 
patriot, strewing his way with flowers, and twining his 
brows with laurel. On the bridge over which he passed, a 
triumphant arch was erected, embellished with laurels, and 
adorned with festoons of flowers, supported by thirteen 
PILLARS, each entwined with wreaths of undying verdurej 
while on the front of the arch was emblazoned, in golden 
letters, this inscriptions 

"the defender of the mothers 

WILL BE the 
PROTECTOR OF THE DAUGHTERS," 

besides various devices and dates^ illustrative of his vir- 
tues, or coinmemorative of his victories. Here he was met 
by a procession of matrons, leading their daughters dressed 
in white garments, who, as he approached, greeted him by 



clmunting the following ode: 



K2 



114 THE LIFE OF . . 

1. 

<' Welcome mighty Chief once more 
Welcome to this grateful shore; 
Now no mercenary foe 
Aims again the fatal blow, 
Aims at thee, the fatal blow. 

2. 
Virgins fair, and matrons grave, 
Those thy conquering arms did save. 
Build for thee triumphal bowers; 
Strew, ye fair, his way with flowers, 
Sti'ew your Hero's way with flowers." 

When he arrived at Brunswick, he was joined by the 
Governor of New York, who escorted him to Elizabethtown 
Point. On the road, he was met bj the committee of Con- 
gress, who conducted him, with great military pomp, to the 
Point, where he embarked for New York, in a beautiful 
barge of thirteen oars, manned by thirteen branch pilots. 

In his private journal, Washington thus describes his 
reception, and the sensations it inspired: "The display of 
boats which attended and joined on this occasion, some with 
vocal and others with instrumental music on board, the 
decorations of the ships, the roar of cannon, and the loud 
acclamations of the people, which rent the sky as I passed 
along the wharves, filled my mind with sensations a« pain- 
ful (contemplating tlie reverse of this scene, which may be 
the case, after all my labours to do good,) as they were 
pleasing. " 

Having been landed at Murray's wharf, on the 23d of 
April, he proceeded to the apartments that had been pro- 
vided for him, where his reception by foreign ministers, 
public bodies, and political characters, exceeded in splen- 
dour the pomp of courts, and eclipsed in sincerity the pro- 
fessions of sycophants. At night, the city was brilliantly 
illuminated. 

All this display of attachment, blended with adulation, 
did not, however, aftect with arrogance the well-poised 
mind of Washington, who beheld in the public enthusiasm 
only a fresh stimulus to serve his country, and who heard 
in the music of flattery, no sound but that which inflamed 
him with the ambition of true glory. 

The eulogy bestowed on him by Mr. Adams, on the day 
that he took liis seat in the Senate, as Vice President of the 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 115 

United States, is too happily conceived, eloquently ex- 
pressed, and justly merited, not to be quoted in this place. 

Mr. Adams said, '^ It is with satisfaction that I congra- 
tulate the people of America on the formation of a national 
constitution, and the fair prospect of a consistent adminis- 
tration of a government of laws; on the acquisition of a 
House of Representatives, chosen by themselves; of a Se- 
nate thus composed by their own State Legislatures; and on 
the prospect of an Executive authority, in the hands of one, 
whose portrait I shall not presume to draw. Were I blessed 
with powers to do justice to his character, it would be im- 
possible to increase the confidence or affection of his coun- 
try, or make the smallest addition to his glory. This can 
only be effected by a discharge of the present exalted trust 
on the same principles, with the same abilities and virtues, 
which have uniformly appeared in all his former conduct, 
public or private. May I, nevertheless, be indulged to in- 
quire, if we look over the catalogue of the first magistrates 
of nations, whether they have been denominated Presidents 
or Consuls, Kings or Princes,, where shall we find one, 
whose commanding talents and virtues, whose overruling 
good fortune, have so completely united all hearts and 
voices in his favour.? — who enjoyed the esteem and admira- 
tion of foreign nations, and fellow-citizens, with equal 
unanimity .? qualities so uncommon, are no common bless- 
ings to the country that possesses them. By these great 
qualities, and their benign effects, has Providence marked 
out the head of this nation, with a hand so distinctly visible, 
as to have been seen by all men, and mistaken by none." 

As the^rs^ President of the United States, whose actions 
and policy, measures and deportment, were to become as 
precedents to all future generations, the conduct of Wash- 
ington, in the most minute and trifling particular, became a 
subject of special interest, as well as curious observation, 
and much importance. Among his domestic regulations, was 
that which prescribed the forms of intercourse between the 
President and the people, in the institution of Levees, and 
ieyee days, appropriated for receiving visits of friendsliip, 
curiosity, or courtesy. A letter from one of his friends, 
stating the public clamour which this imitation of the cus- 
toms of Kings had given rise to, received from \Vashino-ton 
the following explanatory reply: *' While the eyes of Ame- 
rica, perhaps of the world, are turned to this government. 



116 THE LIFE OF 

and many are watching the movements of all those who are 
concerned in its administration, I should like to be in- 
formed, through so good a medium, of the public opinion of 
both men and measures, and of none more than myself; not 
so much of what may be thought commendable parts, if any, 
of my conduct, as of those which are conceived to be of a 
different complexion. The man who means to commit no 
wrong, will never be guilty of enormities, consequently can 
never be unwilling to learn what are ascribed to him as 
foibles. If they are really such, the knowledge of them in 
a w^ell disposed mind, will go half way towards a reform. 
If they are not errors, he can explain, and justify the mo- 
tives of his actions." 

" At a distance from the theatre of action, truth is not 
always related without embellishment, and sometimes is 
entirely perverted, from a misconception of the causes which 
produced the effects that are the subjects of censure." 

"This leads me to think that a system which I found it 
indispensably necessary to adopt upon my first coming to 
this city, might have undergone severe strictures, and have 
had motives very foreign from those that governed me, 
assigned as causes thereof. I mean, first, returning no 
visits: second, appointing certain days to receive them ge- 
nerally (not to the exclusion however of visits on any other 
days under particular circumstances); and third, at first 
entertaining no company, and afterwards (until I was unable 
to entertain any at all) confining it to official characters. A 
few days evinced the necessity of the two first in so clear 
a point of view, that had I not adopted it, I should have 
been unable to have attended to any sort of business, unless 
I had applied the hours allotted to rest and refreshment to 
this purpose; for, by the time I had done breakfast, and 
thence until dinner, and afterwards until bed-time, I could 
not get relieved from the ceremony of one visit before I had 
to attend to another. In a word, I had no leisure to read, 
or to answer the despatches that were pouring in upon me 
from all quarters." 

''Before the custom was established, which now accom- 
modates foreign characters, strangers, and others, who, from 
motives of curiosity, respect to the chief magistrate, or any 
other cause, are induced to call upon me, 1 was unable to 
attend to any business whatsoever; for gentlemen, con- 
sultino; their own convenience rather than mine, were call- 



GEORGE WASHINGTOX. IIT 

iiig from the time I rose from breakfast, often before, until 
I sat down to dinner. This, as I resolved not to neglect my 
public duties, reduced me to the choice of one of these alter- 
natives — either to refuse them altogether^ or to appropriate 
a time for the reception of them. The first would, I well 
knew, be disgusting to manjj the latter, I expected, would 
undergo animadversion from those who would find fault 
with or without cause. To please every body was impos- 
sible. I therefore adopted that line of conduct which com- 
bined public advantage with private convenience, and 
which, in my judgment, was unexceptionable in itself." 

*' These visits are optional. They are made without 
invitation. Between the hours of tliree and four, every 
Tuesday, I am prepared to receive them. Gentlemen, 
often in great numbers, come and go, chut with each other, 
and act as they please; a porter shows tliem into the 
room, and they retire from it when they choose, and with- 
out ceremony; at their first entrance, they s>^aluteme, and I 
them; and as many as I can talk to, I do. Wliat pomp there 
is in all this, I am unable to discover. Perhaps it consists 
in not sitting. To this, two reasons are opposed; first, it is 
unusual; secondly, (which is a more substantial one) because 
I have no room large enough to contain a third of the chairs 
which would be sufficient to admit it. If it is supposed that 
ostentation, or the fashions of courts, (which, by the bye, I 
believe originate oftener in convenience, not to say neces- 
sity, than is generally imagined) gave rise to this custom, I 
will boldly affirm, that 7W supposition was ever more erro- 
neous; for, were I to indulge my inclinations, every mo- 
ment that I could withdraw from the fatigues of my station, 
should be spent in retirement. That they are not, proceeds 
from the sense I entertain of the propriety of giving to every 
one free access, as consists with tliat respect which is due 
to the chair of government; and that respect, I conceive, is 
neither to be acquired, or preserved, but by maintaining a 
just medium between much state and too great familiarity." 

" Similar to the above, but of a more familiar and sociable 
kind, are the visits every Friday afternoon, to Mrs. Wash- 
ington, where I always am. These public meetings, and a 
dinner once a week, to as many as my table will hold, with 
the references to and from the difterent departments of 
State, and other communications with all parts of the 
Union, is as much, if not more, than I am able to undergo; 



118 THE LIFE OF 

for I have already had within a year, two severe attacks; 
the last worse than the first — a third, it is more than pro- 
bable, will put me to sleep with mj fathers. " 

I have thus given, in the words of Washington himself, 
his reasons for instituting those ceremonies and forms, 
which gave such deep oft'ence to the republicans of the day; 
which reasons certainly appear conclusive, as far as he was 
concerned; but another question remains, v/hether, in the 
hands of a chief less virtuous^ and more ambitious, they 
might not be made the gradual instruments of a change of 
government to monarchy? He seems to have overlooked 
the fact, that he was establishing precedents for poste- 
rity, and not regulating forms for his own convenience: so, 
that the error in his reasoning, arose from his virtue; his 
modesty and diffidence not permitting him to give sufficient 
importance to his own doings, which, as the first President 
of the Republic, were to become, in after times, the Tnoral 
laivs of an empire boundless in extent, and stupendous in 
power. Let it not be said, that too much importance has 
been attached to this matter. Manners and ceremonies are 
intimately connected with, and materially influence the 
principles of liberty, and the rights of the citizen; and it is 
ever a salutary symptom, to see the people jealous of the 
deportment of their governors, though, as in the case of 
Washington, their governors may be totally innocent of 
any design on their liberties, by the introduction of forms 
obnoxious to their pride, and sense of equality. 

Washington was inaugurated on the 30th of April, 1789, 
when he addressed both houses of Congress, in a speech, 
which, for sound views, orthodox principles, pious sentiments, 
and comprehensive plans, will ever remain an admired mo- 
nument. It was not, however, so pleasing to see the two 
houses imitate the adulation of the British Parliament, by 
voting an address, which was the mere echo of the speech: 
that the praises they contained were fidly merited, is no 
apology for a custom, which had its European origin in 
sycophancy, and became perpetuated by corruption. 

Plans for the organization of the new government were 
now to be devised by the Congress; and protracted debates 
ensued between the two parties that respectively inclined 
towards a strong, and a relaxed government — a limited 
exercise, or a plenary endowment of power. I shall notice, 
in this place, only those two great points, which seemed 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 119 

most to affect the President, and to divide the two con- 
tending parties. — First, the title of the president; and 
second, his power of removal from office, without 

THE CONCURRENCE OF THE SENATE. 

After much debate, the following report was entered on 
the journals of the Senate, on the 14th of May, 1789. 

" The committee appointed on the 9th inst. to determine 
under what title it will be proper for the Senate to address 
the President of the United States of America, reported, 
that in the opinion of the committee, it will be proper thus 
to address the President: " His Highness the President of 
the United States af Jlmerica^ and Protector of their 
Liberties." 

From this stigma on the republican character of the coun- 
try, we were rescued by the virtue and patriotism of the 
House of Bepresentatives, who, having successfully resisted 
the monarchical designs of the senate, compelled that 
aristocratic body to postpone tlie above report, and agree to 
the following resolution, which will forever remain a monu- 
ment of the danger to be apprehended to the liberties of the 
country, from this aristocratic body: — 

'' From a decent respect for the opinion and practice of 

civilised nations, whether under monarchical or republican 

forms of government, whose custom is to annex titles of 

respectability to the o^ce of their chief magistrate, and that 

on intercourse with foreign nations, a due"^ respect for the 

majesty of the people of the United States, mav not be 

hazarded by an appearance of singularity, the Senate have 

been induced to be of opinion, that it would be proper to 

^mi^x Q. respectable title to the office of President of the 

, United States, But the Senate, desirous of preservino- har- 

j mony with the House of Representatives, where the practice 

I lately observed, in presenting an address to the President, 

j was without the addition of titles, think it proper, for the 

j present to act in conformity icith thepractice of that house.'' 

\ In this attempt to introduce titles, no imputation of any 

; agency on the part of ^^'ashington, was ever surmised; and 

I it probably had its origin exclusively in the ambition of the 

Vice-President, Mr. Adams, who, "^at a future period, by 

[ heaping monstrous abuses on the federal system, caused by 

his lust of power, so total a prostration 'of the enero-etic 

; policy of his great predecessor. ^ 

A question was now discussed by Congress of a nature 



120 THE LIFE OF 

equally important, whether the President possessed the 
power of removal from office ivithout the consent and con- 
currence of the Senate. On the bill ' to establish an execu- 
tive department, to be denominated the Departinent of Fo- 
reign Affairs, in the committee of the whole House, Mr. 
White moved to strike out the clause which declared the 
Secretary to be removable by the President, on the ground 
that the power of removal was necessarily incident to that 
of appointment; and, as the vSenate possessed a conjoint 
power of making appointments, that body must, in like 
manner, share in the power of removal. 

In the course of debate, the following arguments were 
used : — " If the constitution gave the power to the Presi- 
dent, a repetition of the grant in an act of Congress was 
nugatory — if the constitution did not give it, the attempt to 
enforce it by law was improper — if it belonged conjointly 
to the President and Senate, the House of Representatives 
should not attempt to abridge the constitutional preroga- 
tive of the other branch of the Legislature. However this 
might be, they were clearly of opinion that it was not placed 
in the President alone. In the power over all the Executive 
officers^ which the bill proposed to confer upon the Presi- 
dent, the most alarming dangers to liberty were perceived. 
It was in the nature of Monarchical Prerogative, and 
woidd convert them into the mere tools and creatures of his 
ivill. Ji dependence so servile on one individual, ivould deter 
men of high and honourable minds fronn engaging in the 
public service^ and if, contrary to expectation, such men 
should be brought into office, they would be reduced to the 
necessity of sacrificing every principle of independence to the 
tvill of the chief ■magistrate, or of exposing themselves to the 
disgrace of being removed from office^ and that, too, at a time 
ivhen it might be no longer in their poiver to engage in other 
pursuits,''^ 

" Gentlemen, it was to be feared, were toomucii dazzled 
with the splendour of the virtues which adorned the actual 
President, to be able to look into futurity. But the fra- 
mers of the constitution had not confined their views to the 
person who would most probably fill tlie first presidential 
chair. The House of Representatives ought to follow their 
example, and to contemplate this power in the hands of an 
ambitious max, who might apply it to dangerous purposes 
— who might, from caprice, remove the most ivorthy m,en 
from office.'''' 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 121 

By the friends of the President, it was contended, that 
t\\ej30wer of removal was purely executive, and was con- 
ferred by the constitution: at so early a period of its history, 
did it come into dispute what powers that instrument did 
actually confer upon the several branches of government by 
the parties to the compact. 

But, it was agreed, '' if it was a case on which the con- 
stitution was silent, the clearest principles of political ex- 
pediency required that neither branch of the Legislature 
should participate in it.^' 

•^^ The danger that a President could ever be found, who 
would remove good 7nen from office, was treated as imagi- 
nary. It was not by the splendour attached to the charac- 
ter of the present chief magistrate alone, that this opinion 
was to be defended. It was founded on the structure of the 
office. The man in ivhose favour a majority of the people 
of this continent would unite, had probability at least, in 
favour of his principles; in addition to which, the public 
odium that would inevitably attach to such conduct, would 
be an effectual security against it." 

The amendment of Mr. White, denying the power of 
REMOVAL, was negatived by a vote of thirty-four to twenty; 
but, subsequently, the Legislative grant of the power was 
withdrawn, and the bill was passed implyi?ig the constitu- 
tional right of removal, by the antecedent vote against the 
amendment, which went to deny the power. So that, even 
now, this question, of the constitutional power of removal, 
remains unsettled, excepting the sanction which this vote 
may be supposed to give. 

Mr. Madison's twelve amendments to the constitution, 
were now passed by two -thirds of Congress, and ratified by 
two-thirds of the States; which, if they did not remove, at 
least mollified the opposition of the ayiti-federalists. 

Congress having passed laws for the organisation of all the 
departments, Washington proceeded to select officers qua- 
lified by their talents, and recommended by their patriotism, 
to discharge these important trusts. 

At head of the Department of State, he appointed Tho- 
mas Jefferson, for whom he entertained the most exalted 
opinion as a patriot of sound principles; as a statesman of 
the most extensive attainments in the science of politics; 
and as a scholar of the most profound and elegant acquire- 
ments. Mr. JelFerson was then at his residence in Virgi- 



122 THE LIFE OF 

nia, having returned home for a short time, by permission, 
from the court of Versailles, wJiere he had succeeded Dr. 
Franklin, as ambassador. Mr. Jefferson gave a preference 
to his foreign appointment; but in deference to the wishes 
of Washing-ton, he accepted the Department of State. 

Alexander Hamilton was appointed to the head of the 
Treasury; a man, whose genius was only equalled by his 
learning, and his learning equalled by his courage, firmness,, 
and love of liberty. 

General Knox was retained as Secretary of War. 

Edmund Randolph, of Virginia, was chosen Jittorney 
General. 

In the Judiciary branch of government, talents and in- 
tegrity not inferior were selected. John Jay was appointed 
Chief Justice; and John Rutledge, James Wilson, 
William Gushing, Robert Harrison and John Blair, 
were appointed Associate Justices. All these selections 
were considered as judicious and popular; made on the 
broad grounds of national good, and with a single eye to the 
invigoration and success of the new Constitution, which, of 
course, necessarily led to the choice of a majority of pro- 
minent and decided federalists. 

Congress having adjourned on the 29th of September, the 
President determined to improve the recess by a journey to 
Massachusetts, and personally inquire into the causes of 
the recent insurrection, as well as to soothe and conciliate 
by his presence, the discontented portion of that population. 
His reception did not fall short, but far exceeded all ex- 
pectation. The people greeted him with an enthusiastic 
welcome; and all the parade of public institutions, and mi- 
litary bodies, gave eclat to the splendour of his welcome; 
while the addresses presented to him, breathed devotion to 
the country, attachment to the constitution, and affection 
for his person. 

In November 1789, North Carolina adopted the Consti- 
tution, and entered into the Union. 

On the 8th of January, 1790, he again met Congress, and 
in person delivered his speech, from which I cannot omit to 
extract the following beautiful passage, evincive of so 
much wisdom, patriotism, and love of liberty. After invit- 
ing their attention to various important improvements, he 
added, " Nor am I less persuaded, that you will agree with 
me in opinion, that there is nothing which can better deserve 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 123 

jour patronage than the promotion of science and literature. 
Knowledge is in every country, the surest basis of public 
happiness: in one, in which the measures of government 
receive their impression so immediately from the sense of 
the community as in ours, it is proportionably essential. To 
the security of a free constitution it contributes in various 
ways, by convincing those who are entrusted with the public 
administration, that every valuable end of government is 
best answered by the enlightened confidence of the people; 
and by teaching the people themselves to know and to value 
their own rights; to discern and to provide against invasions 
of them; to distinguish hetiveen oppression and the necessary 
exercise of lawful authority; between burdens proceeding 
from a disregard to their convenience, and those resulting 
from the inevitable exigencies of society; to discriminate the 
spirit of liberty from that of licentiousness, cherishing the 
first, avoiding the last, and uniting a speedy but temperate 
yigilance against encroachments, with an inviolable respect 
to the laws." 

This session of Congress was remarkable for the funding 
of the public debt, which received the countenance and ap- 
probation of Washington, but in reality only benefitted a 
few speculators, and left the poor soldier as wretched and 
destitute as ever. Marshall thus describes the effects of this 
funding system. " The public paper suddenly rose, and 
was for a short time, above par. The immense wealth 
WHICH INDIVIDUALS acquirccl by this unexpected apprecia- 
tion, could not be viewed with indif!erence. By those who 
participated in its advantages, the author of a system to 
which they were so greatly indebted, was regarded with an 
enthusiasm of attachment, to which scarcely any limits 
could be assignecL To many others, this adventitious col- 
lection of wealth in particular hands was a subject rather of 
chagrin than of pleasure; and the reputation which the suc- 
cess of his plans gave to the Secretary of the Treasury, was 
not contemplated with unconcern. As if the debt had been 
created by the existing government, not by a war which gave 
liberty and independence to the United States, its being 
funded was ascribed by many, not to a sense of justice, and 
to a liberal and enlightened policy, but to the desire of be^ 
stoiving on the government an artificial strength by the 
creation of a MONIED INTEREST, ichich would be 
subservient to its will, " 



124 THE LIFE OF 

Having been attacked this year by a dangerous malady, 
from which he suffered severely, and recovered with diffi- 
culty, he employed the period of his convalescence in making 
a visit to Rhode Island, which State was not yet compre- 
hended in the Union; but where he was received with an 
enthusiasm of attachment not inferior to that displayed in 
other parts of the Union. After his return from Rhode 
Island, he paid a visit to his favorite Mount Vernon, whose 
rural shades and tranquil beauty, still had charms for his 
heart, superior to those anxious joys which are to be found 
amidst the pomp of power, the glitter of glory, or the mag- 
nificence of state. From this recreation, however, he was 
soon summoned, by the meeting of Congress, in its third 
session, to repair to Philadelphia, where, in future, that 
body was to meet. 

The speech of the President was consistent with his for- 
mer views, and settled policy, and breathed the purest in- 
tentions of a devoted patriot, which extorted the unanimous 
applause of an enlightened Congress. 

The projects of the Secretary of the Treasury, however, 
excited a different feeling, and startled the friends of State 
Rights and limited government into decided opposition. 
His proposition to tax domestic distilled spirits, w^as warmly 
resisted, and engendered able and protracted debates. Com- 
menting on this subject, Marshall remarks, in the true spirit 
of the party, of which he was a distinguished leader: ** All 
that powerful party in the United States, which attached 
itself to the local, rather than to the general government, 
would inevitably contemplate any system of internal reve- 
nue with jealous disapprobation. To them, imposts collected 
by Congress, on any domestic manufacture, wore the sem- 
blance of ^foreign jjoiver intruding itself into their particu- 
lar concerns, and excited serious apprehensions for State 
importance, and for liberty. ^^ Pennsylvania, Maryland, 
Virginia, and North Carolina, protested against it in strong 
and energetic terms. 

Another and still more important project of the same offi- 
cer, excited even more discussion, while it awakened warmer 
feelings, and led to more metaphysical reasoning: I allude 
to the scheme of a National Bank, which was now formally 
submitted by him in a special report, equally distinguished 
for plausible argument and luminous views, but deficient in 
that stability of logical foundation, without which the vigour 



GEORGE WASHINGTON^. 125 

orf ratiocination assumes the glitter of refined sophistry. 
But the basis oi utility was universally admitted to be un- 
questionable; and when a positive benefit, combined with 
prospective speculation, is adduced in support of a doubtful 
power, the constitution can have but a poor chance of main- 
taining its integrity against the combined eftbrts of genius, 
metaphysics, money, utility and power. What is useful^ 
we all desire to be legal 5 and what is profitable, we natu- 
rally infer, can never become pernicious. But a Constitu- 
tion, whose powers lie concealed beneath an impervious 
mass of construction, deduction, inference, and metaphy- 
sical subtlety, would be better adapted to a college of Ger- 
man professors, or a monastery of monks, than for the go- 
Ternment of a people, all of whom are equally free, and all 
©f whom are equally entitled to participate in its adminis- 
tration. 

The debate on this question, again arrayed parties in 
fierce opposition, and even divided the cabinet to a degree 
that menaced its total rupture. Wasliington took the opi- 
nion of his constitutional advisers on this important ques- 
tion. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Randolph were of opinion 
that Congress, by the passage of the bill, had obviously 
transcended the powers vested in them by the constitution. 
On the other hand. General Hamilton maintained it to be 
purely constitutional. The President required from each 
their arguments in writing, which, being submitted, his 
habitual propensity to add vigour to the Union, inclined him 
to the conviction, that the Bank was fully authorised by the 
constitution, and he accordingly gave the sanction of his 
signature to the act of incorporation. It cannot be doubted, 
however, that his mind had been long predetermined in 
favour of the measure; and that, however he might hold his 
judgment open to a conviction of its illegality, should it be 
made so to appear to him; yet, that his wishes and aftections 
towards it, as a favourite feature of his federal policy, had 
closed those avenues to conviction, which can only bias the 
understandino; when the feelino;s are neutral, and the de- 
sires uninfluenced towards a particular conclusion. 

The controversy on /"cf/era/ Politer and State Rights^ was 
now started afresh on the Bank Question; and federalism, 
and anti-federalism, were rung through all their changes by 
enthusiastic champions: the sovereignty of the states 
being supposed by the latter to constitute the palladium o.f 
L 2 



126 THE LIFE OF 

liberty; and the supremacy and power of the Union being 
deemed essential by the latter, to the preservation of law, 
order, justice, property, subordination and peace. 

Tlie scheme of the National Bank, was hailed with raj>- 
ture by those who had become suddenly enriched by the 
Funding of the Public Debt; and in proportion as it 
strengthened the monied interest^ did it provoke the hosti- 
lity and censure of the middling and poorer classes, in 
whom are always to be found the sincere advocates of the 
true principles of liberty. 

From this moment of the incorporation of the Bank of the 
United States, parties assumed their /lerfect forins of organ- 
isation and principles, as they minister to the general com- 
fort of mankind. 

From this period, too, we may date an irreconcilable 
rupture between Mr. Jefferson and General Hamilton: the 
former the opponent, and the latter the advocate of the 
banking and funding system. 

Washington now made an excursion into the Southern 
States, subsequently to the dissolution of the first Congress, 
on the 3d of March, 1791; where his reception, by 7nen of 
all parties, attested to the fact, that he united all hearts; 
and that, however the measures or the constitution of go- 
vernment might be censured and disapproved, none would 
refuse to pour the grateful homage of free hearts, into the 
bosom of their veteran chief. 

The second Congress assembled in Piiiladelphia, on the 
24th of October, 1791. The apporliomnent bill now proved 
another cause of excitement, and divided parties by abroad 
line of separation. In this debate, Mr. Giles, who was in 
favour of a full representation of the people, used these ar- 
guments; that the corruption of the British Parliament was 
not owing to their numbers, but other causes, and " among 
these ivere the frequent mortgages of the funds, and the 
immeiise appropriations at the disposal of the executive.'^'' 
"An inequality of circumstances," he continued, "pro- 
duces revolutions in governments, from democracy to aris- 
tocracy and monarchy. Great wealth produces a desire of 
distinctions, rank and titles. The revolutions of property 
in this country have created a prodigious inequality of cir- 
cumstances. Government has contributed to this inequa- 
lity. The Bank of the United States is a most import- 
'ant machine in promoting the objects of this uoniiLu in- 



GEORGE WASHINGTOJJ. 127 

TEREST, This Bank will be the most powerful en- 
gine TO corrupt THIS HOUSE. Soiiie of the members are 
directors of this institution^ and it will only be by increas- 
ing the representation that an adequate barrier can be op- 
posed to this monied interest. The strong executive of this 
government, ought to be balanced by a full representation 
in this house." 

The defeat of General St. Clair, who had been despatched 
against the hostile Miami Indians, now flung a momentary 
gloom over the administration of Washington,- and Congress 
proceeded to augment the army to 5,000 men; after which, 
on the 8th May, 1792, that body adjourned to the first 
Monday in November. 

Every day now added virulence and asperity to the op- 
position of parties; and, as new measures developed more 
fully the discrepancy of their principles, so did they aug- 
ment the inveteracy of their mutual dislike; and while we 
confess the truth, we may also deplore the fact, that the 
force of interest, rather than the love of truth, or the prac- 
tice of virtue, engendered their animosity, and eventually 
exasperated difference of opinion, to an implacable hostility 
of feeling and passion. 

The complaints of the opposition, however, were not 
destitute of substantial principles and established facts to 
sustain them. The creation of the national debt, bv the 
FUNDING of the depreciated public responsibilities, had en- 
gendered, it was alleged, a necessity for taxation on the 
people, when there existed no necessity for funding, in order 
to make the rich more affluent, and the poor more needy: 
besides being the assumption of a debt which properly be- 
longed to the individual States. Funding naturally led to 
EXCISE, andbegot a series of oppressive taxes, which excited 
public clamour, and might produce a civil war; besides, that 
such taxes were jxcrtial in their operation, and must be un- 
productive, unless extorted by arbitrary means, and wrung 
•from the hand of labour at the point of the sword. In fine, 
the ground of opposition covered the best principles of hu- 
manity, benevolence, peace and industry, against abstract 
equity, rigid justice, and the inflexible severity of efficient 
power, ready to punish with death, for the inability to com- 
ply with exorbitant taxation. 

Other grounds of opposition v/ere also broken, but were 
less tenable and more resolvable into the sjnrit of party, 



128 THE LIFE OF 

than based on the solid principles of liberty, or the incon- 
testable dictates of reason. A qualified exception, however, 
must be mad« to this remark, in the case of the Bank of 
THE United States, which, in order to escape any impu- 
tation of prejudice, I shall cite in the words of Judge Mar- 
shall himself, as I have previously done, on several occa- 
sions from the same motive. 

The opposition contended, with what justice the reader 
must decide — that, '^ The bcmishment of coin would be 
completed by ten millions of paper money in the form of 
Bank Bills, which were then issuing into circulation. Nor 
would this be the only mischief resulting from the institu- 
tion of the bank. The ten, or twelve per cent, annual pro- 
Jit paid to the lenders of this paper medium, would be taken 
out of the pockets of the people, who ivould have Imd, ivith- 
out interest, the coin it was banishing. That all the capi- 
tal employed in paper circulation is barren and useless, 
producing like that on a gaming table^ no accession to 
itself, and is withdrawn from commerce and agriculture, 
where it would have produced addition to the common 
mass. The wealtli, therefore, heaped upon individuals by 
the funding and banking systems, would be productive of 
general poverty and distress. That, in addition to the en- 
couragement these measures gave to vice and idleness, they 
had furnished effectual means of corrupting such a portion 
of the Legislature as turned the balance betiveen the honest 
voters^ This corrujjt squadron, deciding the voice of the 
Legislature, had manifested their dispositions to get rid 

OF THE limitations IMPOSED BY THE CONSTITUTIONJ lim,i- 
tatlOnS ON THE FAITH OF WHICH thc StATES ACCEDED TO 

THAT INSTRUMENT. Tficy Were proceeding rapidly in their 
plan of absorbing all power, invading the rights of the 
States, and converting the federal into a consolidated 
government." 

" That the ultimate object of all this was to prepare the 
way for a change from the present republican form of govern- 
ment to tliat of a monarchy, of which the English consti- 
tution was to be the model. So many of the friends of 
monarchy were in the Legislature, that, aided by the corrupt 
squad oi paper dealers who were at their devotion, they had 
a majority in both houses. The republican party, even 
when united with the anti-federalists, continued a minori- 
ty." These arguments were ably replied to on the oppo- 
site side. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON, 129 

These arguments and imputations, however, were not so 
mucli intended to apply to Washington and his measures^ 
as to Colonel Hamilton, the Secretary of the Treasury, and 
ostensible head of the consolidated federal party. 

In respect to General Washington, the purity of his 
heart and character, repelled the approximation of all the 
elements of party. His views were national; every pul- 
sation of his heart was for his country; and being exalted 
above the influence of interest^ by every consideration of 
character and popularity with the whole people, it was 
utterly impossible, that any party could claim him as its 
leader, or that any of his measures or views could be re- 
ferred or traced to party motives. If he did entertain one 
of sentiment, it was an honest one, and that error was per- 
haps a preference of a government of law and force, to a 
government of opinion — an error which may be traced to 
the fact, that he acquired his education under the strict 
notions of the monarchy, and contracted his habits in the 
employment of the royal government, as a military man:— 
being still, not less a republican in principle — -not less an 
Atnerican in practice. 

These conflicts of party opinions, would have passed by 
Washington wholly disregarded, had they not invaded the 
tranquillity of his cabinet; and arrayed in dire hostility the 
Secretary of State {Jefferson!) and the Secretary of the 
Treasury, [Hamilton!] These officers, from the first mo- 
ment of their entrance into the cabinet, had disagreed upon 
principles of essential importance to the harmony of the 
administration. This radical contrariety in their charac- 
ters and views, naturally became augmented with the lapse 
of time; — and every measure of government conduced 
more or less to widen the breach, as they more clearly de- 
monstrated the irreconcilable hostility of their doctrines, 
views and opinions: Mr. Jefterson, having been from the 
first a warm champion of liberty, and opposed tothe/ef/er«/ 
constitution, as implying a power of supremacy oyer the 
sovereignty of the States; and General Hamilton being the 
most prominent of those who favoured a federal govern- 
ment, whose power should supersede opinion, and extin- 
guish the rights of the States. On the same principle, Mr. 
JeiFerson was partial to France, and Mr. Hamilton partial 
to England, and as inimical to France, as Mr. Jefferson 
was inimical to England! 



130 - THE LIFE OF 

To trace all the forms of this hostility is not consistent 
with the main object of this biography. As it aftected 
Washington, it caused him the deepest mortification and 
chagrin; so much so as to draw from him the following let- 
ters to the Secretary of State, and Secretary of the Treasury, 
conceived in the purest spirit of patriotism, and breathing 
tJie fond affection of a father towards his children. The 
first letter bears the date of August 23, 1792. Having en- 
tered into a review of the delicate external relations of the 
United States, he thus digressed to the main topic of his 
epistle: — " How unfortunate, and how much is it to be 
regretted, then, that while we are encompassed on all sides 
with avowed enemies, and insidious friends, internal dis- 
sentions should be harrowing and tearing our vitals. The 
last, to me, is the most serious, the most alarming, and the 
most afflicting of the two; and without more charity for the 
opinions of one another in governmental matters, or some 
more infallible criterion by which the truth of speculative 
opinions, before they have undergone the test of experience, 
are to be forejudged, than has yet fallen to the lot of falli- 
bility, I believe it will be diflicult, if not impracticable, to 
manage the reins of government, or to keep the parts of it 
together; for if, instead of laying our shoulders to the ma- 
chine, after measures are decided on, one pulls this w^ay, 
and another that, before the utility of the thing is fairly 
tried, it must inevitably be torn asunder; and, in my opinion, 
the fairest prospect of happiness and prosperity that ever 
was presented to man, will be lost, perhaps, forever." 

"My earnest wish, and my fondest hope, therefore, is, 
that, instead of wounding suspicions, and irritating charges, 
there may be liberal allowances, mutual forbearances, and 
temporising yielding on all sides. Under the exercise of 
these, matters will go on smoothly, and, if possible, more 
prosperously. Without them, every thing must rub, the 
wheels of government will clog, our enemies will triumph, 
and, by throwing their weight into the disaffected scale, 
may accomplisli the ruin of the goodly fabric we have been 
erecting."" 

*■* I do not mean to apply this advice, oi' these observa- 
tions, to any particular person or character. I have given 
them in the same general terms to other officers of the go- 
vernment, because the disagreements which have arisen 
from difference of opinions, and the attacks which have been 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 131 

made upon almost all the measures of government, and 
most of its executive officers, have for a long time past filled 
me with painful sensations, and cannot fail, I think, of pro- 
ducing unhappy consequences, at home and abroad. " The 
letter to General Hamilton was almost a literal copy of this 
to Mr. Jefferson. Another was also addressed by him to 
Mr. Randolph, the Attorney General. 

These paternal efforts to compose the internal wars of the 
Cabinet proved wholly unsuccessful, although urged by 
Washington with a pathos and eloquence truly patriotic. 

The opposition to the excise laws, in the western counties 
of Pennsylvania, now disturbed the serenity of the admi- 
nistration by acts of open rebellion; to quell which, Wash- 
ington issued his proclamation, exhorting the interference 
and aid of the civil magistrates. 

In the management of the foreign reelations of the 
United States, at the head of which Mr. Jefferson stood, 
AVashington had been eminently successful. France was 
accommodated with a loan, to enable her to recover St^ 
Domingo from her revolted negroes. 

Major General Wayne was now appointed to the com- 
mand of the army, in place of St. Clair, against the hostile 
bands of western Indians. On the 5th of November, 1792, 
Congress again assembled. In his speech, Washington 
recommended the civilization of the Indian tribes, as the 
best means of diverting them from the pursuits of war, as 
well as earnestly pressed the adoption of measures, to 
ensure the speedy redemption of the public debt. Nothing, 
however, of any importance, marked this session of Con- 
gress, but the introduction and rejection of resolutions, 
criminating the conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury, 
in the management of the public loans and funded debt. 
Congress expired on the 3d of March; leaving parties in a 
higher state of irritation, and fomenting more than ever 
the original feelings of hostility, which marked their oppo- 
sition. 

On the 22d February, 1793, the birth day of Washing- 
ton was first celebrated; and Congress adjourned for half 
an hour, to pay him their respects: but not without some 
opposition from the anti -federal and republican party. 

In 1793, the announcement of the French revolution, 
and the adoption of a republican constitution on the ruins 
of the monarchy, created a burst of enthusiasm throughout 



132 THE LIFE OF 

the United States^ which though not unirersal was far from 
being confined to the republican party; though by others, 
it was greeted by more tempered feelings, and qualified 
approbation, until ultimately parties approved or denounced 
it, as they stood ranged under their different banners. 
Those who may be emphatically denominated the people^ 
looked upon it with eyes of admiration and rapture. Wash- 
ington himself extended towards it the hand of a ready 
welcome. 

The expiration of his first term of four years now ap- 
proacliing, Washington contemplated declining another 
election; but being overruled by his friends, he yielded to 
the general wish of the public, and was unanimously re- 
elected. But Mr. Adams encountered serious opposition 
from the State rights party; and although re-elected, yet it 
was by a small majority over George Clinton: a consti- 
tutional incompatibility having interfered with the election 
of Mr. Jefterson to that office — he being a citizen of the 
same State as the President, which the constitution ex- 
pressly provides against. 

Towards France, and her revolution,Washington de- 
ported himself on the maxim, " That every nation possessed 
a right to govern itself according to its own ivill, to change 
its institutions at discretion, and to transact its business 
through ivhatever agents it might think proper: but, at the 
same time, he determined to maintain the neutrality of the 
United States, and not to become involved in the dissen- 
tions of Europe. 

France now declared war against Great Britain and Hol- 
land; and the American public became inflamed with ani- 
mosity against England, and an enthusiastic feeling in fa- 
vour of French liberty, and the general cause of France. 

The President, being strengthened by the unanimous^ 
opinion of his cabinet, issued 2i proclcmiation of neutrcdity, 
on the 22d April, 1793. 

The next question was not concurred in with the same 
unanimity — whether the President should receive a minister 
from the republic of France? Mr. Jetterson and Mr. Ran- 
dolpli maintained the affirmative, on the ground that the 
revolution had produced no change in the relations be- 
tween the two nations. Mr. Hamilton and General Knox 
held contrary opinions, on the ground that France had 
no right to involve other nations^ absolutely and unconditioi\-^ 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 133 

ally, in the changes and consequences of her revolution; 
maintaining the right of a nation to absolve itself from all 
obligations, even of treaties, on a change of the internal 
situation of the other contracting party, if a continuance of 
connexion might be thought disadvantageous, or dangerous. 
But this position would inevitably tend to war, and was 
obviouslv inconsistent with neutrality. 

The President, finding the cabinet divided, required 
their opinions in v/riting; which, being produced, displayed 
a discrepancy of principle on the merits of the revolution 
of France, which threatened to extend its influence as 
well through the deliberations of the cabinet, as among the 
sentiments of the people. 

Should Congress be convened? — was another question 
propounded by the President, to which he received a 
unanimous negative opinion. 

The President ultimately adopted the opinion of Mr. 
Jefferson and Mr. Randolph, that a minister should be re- 
ceived from France, and the obligations of treaties with that 
power maintained. 

Washington was now openly and violently assaulted in 
the public prints, for the proclamation of neutrality. Jill 
governments were pronounced hostile to liberty; and the 
United States not the least so. Party passion began to 
rage in favour of France and the rights of man, and the 
rancour of deadly hate was poured upon Great Britain, and 
all who abetted the tyranny of kings, or refused to succour 
a free people struggling for liberty against a wicked com- 
bination of kings; evidently glancing at the attitude of neu- 
trality assumed by Washington. 

The French government now recalled the minister who 
had been appointed by Louis the I6th, and citizen Genet 
was deputed, not less in virtue of his talents, than his glow- 
ing enthusiasm in the sacred cause of freedom. 

Mr. Genet arrived with' a double set of instructions — 
one, directing him to operate on the government, to bend 
her to the policy of France; failing in which, he was to 
resort to the people, and labour to bring them over to es^ 
pouse the principles of the revolution and the cause of 
France. 

On the 8th of April, Mr. Genet arrived at Charleston, 
S. C, where he was received with the most glowing enthu- 
siasm, not only by the citizens, but the public authorities, th^ 

M 



134 THE LIFE OE 

Governor and other public bodies. Here he remained a feW 
days, receiving the homage of the people, enlisting men, 
fitting out and arming vessels, and granting commissions 
to cruize and commit hostilities on nations who were on 
friendly terms with the United States. 

His journey to Philadelphia was a complete march of 
civic triumph J and displayed all the pomp of enthusiastic 
welcome— such as had never before greeted a foreign 
minister. He arrived at Philadelphia on the 16th May, 
and had an audience with the President, by whom he 
was cordially received; while, on the part of the people, 
the most extravagant transports of joy were indulged in; 
at Gray's ferry he was met by " crowds who flocked from 
every avenue of the city, to meet the republican ambassa- 
dor of an allied nation." To these exhibitions of popular 
feeling succeeded congratulatory addresses, which mani- 
fested all the ardent aftection of fraternisation and alliance. 

The British minister now entered complaints against his 
proceedings, as violations of the American neutrality. 

Actual hostilities were now committed by the French 
within the waters of the United States against Great Bri- 
tain: — the English ship Grange being captured by the 
French frigate U Ambuscade, within the Delaware Capes, 
a restitution of which was demanded by the English minis- 
ter. 

The cabinet unanimously agreed that the proceedings 
complained of were usurpations of national sovereignty, 
and a violation of neutral rights. 

On the question of restitution, the cabinet were divided 
— Mr Jefferson and Mr. Randolph opposing, and Generals 
Hamilton and Knox, being in favour of it. "Washington 
took time to deliberate; but restitution was obviously dic- 
tated by every principle of the laws of nations, and the 
doctrines of equity and justice. 

Genet, dissatisfied with the government, entered into 
laboured expositions against the decision of the Executive; 
in which indecorum was mixed with a boldness bordering 
on arrogance. He was answered, by the President, that 
the decision could not be rescinded; but on the contrary, 
that the vessels which had been equipped in the ports of 
the United States must make reparation for the violation 
of their sovereignty, by departing from their waters. To 
this requisition Mr. Genet refused compliance; nor would 



OEORGE WASHINGTON. 135 

he acquiesce in the decisions of the Executive. He con- 
tended that the Americans had infringed the treaty with 
France. 

Two citizens of the United States were now arrested in 
Charleston, for having violated the proclamation of neu- 
trality^ by cruising out of that port under French commis- 
sions- Mr. Genet demanded the release of these persons, 
in the following terms: '* I have this moment been informed 
that two officers, in the service of the republic of France, 
citizen G. Henfield and J. Singletary, have been arrested 
on board the privateer of the French republic, ' the Citizen 
Genet,' and conducted to prison. The crime laid to their 
charge — the crime which my mind cannot conceive, and 
which my pen almost refuses to state, is the serving of 
France, and defending, with her children, the common 
glorious cause of liberty." 

"Being ignorant of any positive law or treaty which 
deprives Americans of this privilege, and authorizes offi- 
cers of police arbitarily to take mariners, in the service of 
France, from on board their vessels^ I call upon your inter- 
vention, sir, and that of the President of the United States, 
in order to obtain thp immpdiato ncleasement of the above 
mentioned officers, who have acquired, by the sentiments 
animating them, and by the act of their pngagpment, an- 
terior to every act to the contrary, the right of French 
citizens, if they have lost that of American citizens." 

Washington, firm, collected, upright and^ honest, could 
not but feel this gross indignity offered to the government 
of his country, at the same time that his attachment to 
France, and the cause of liberty, withheld him from indulg- 
ing in those expressions of resentment which the provo- 
cation and insult would fully have justified. 

In the meantime the fever of French liberty continued to 
rage with unabated fierceness among the people; while ani- 
mosity towards England prevailed to the same excess, and 
received an application, in its course towards the great and 
good man, who, unmindful of the storm of party, and forti- 
fied by conscious integrity, stood prepared to do his duty 
to his country, regardless of all consequences. Washing- 
ton, retired in the calm recess of his wisdom, anticipated 
the course which posterity would approve, and which 
the voice of history would consecrate to the applause 
of after ages. As the head of a nation, he was not to be-- 



136 THE LIFE OF 

come the brawling champion of liberty, or tlie reckless 
abettor of violated national faith and prostrated treaties. 
Between two friendly nations he was bound to observe a 
deportment equally pacific towards both, and to abide bj 
the Imv of nations^ not the infectious enthusiasm for liberty, 
which, in its headlong course, like the lava of iEtna, sweeps 
over all that opposes its passage, and buries in ruins friend 
and foe with indiscriminate fury. Fatal indeed, might have 
been the consequences, had the popular impetuosity hurried 
the President into a precipitate espousal of the cause of 
French liberty. 

I cannot contemplate this, and the subsequent period of 
the life of Washington, without feeling that spontaneous 
homage of veneration for his greatness which the undaunted 
fortitude, and inflexible resolution he displayed, are so 
naturally calculated to inspire. Calm amidst the raging 
excitement of popular passions, he remained uninfected by 
the delirium, at the same time that he continued devoted 
to the principles of liberty. Tranquil and composed, he 
contemplated the storm with the eye of ivisdom, which em- 
braced in its wide scope all the consequences of the system 
of anarchy, which had intoxicated the people with delight, 
indifferent to his own interest, he looked only to the grand 
object of the public good; and disregarding, rather than 
despising the popular clamour, that on all sides stunned 
the ear with its shouts — the wild and maddened shouts of 
liberty; he waited for the storm to spend its fury, without 
changing his course to avoid its rage, but satisfied, that 
when it should have blown over it w^ould find him en- 
trenched by public opinion, and his country secure from the 
quaking conflicts of the demon of blood and anarchy. 

Washington left Philadelphia on the 24th of June, on a 
visit to Mount Vernon; and returned to the seat of govern- 
ment on the 11th of July. 

In this interval occurred the important case of the equip- 
ment and departure of the French privateer La Petit De- 
mocrat, from the port of Philadelphia; her escape from the 
authorities of the country having been eftected by a delibe- 
rate falsehood of the minister Genet; who now openly me- 
naced the constituted authorities of the republic, and boldly 
threatened " to appeal from the President to the People! !P'^ 

The Secretary of State having retired to his seat in the 
country, indisposed, Washington addressed him a letter, of 



■GEORGE WASHINGTON. 137 

wliichthe following is an extract — " What is to be done in 
the case of the little Sarah (La petit Democrat,) now at 
Chester? Is the minister of the French republic to set the 
acts of this government at defiance with impunity^ and then 
threaten the executive with an appeal to the people? What 
must the world think of such conduct; and of the govern- 
ment of the United States in submitting to it?" 

" These are serious questions, circumstances press for 
decision; and, as you have had time to consider them (upon 
me they come unexpectedly) I wish to know your opinion 
upon them even before to-morrow, for the vessel may then 
be gone." 

The force of public opinion, in opposition to laws and 
to treaties, was now fully manifested in the acquittal of 
Gideon Henfield, who had been prosecuted for a violation 
of the proclamation of neutrality; an acquittal which 
effectually prostrated all the power of the government, 
while it exposed Washington to all that popular, but unjust 
censure, which attends upon an attempt to exercise theo- 
retical power i?i opposition to public opinion, which may 
be termed the practical power of governments; but which 
in fact is the only power in free constitutions. 

The violation of the principles of the armed neutrality, 
that free bottoms should make free goods, and that the flag 
of a neutral should protect all property under it, again 
brought the American President in collision with the dema- 
gogue minister of France; the latter nation having acceded 
to the principle, while England had rejected its recognition. 
In this state of things the English had made prize of French 
property in American bottoms; which exasperated the 
French minister to taunt and insult the government in tiie 
most degrading manner. 

These aggravated degradations, heaped in quick succes- 
sion upon one another, finally determined Washington to 
resort to vigorous measures to defend the government from 
such disgraceful indignities; he, therefore, on the 25th of 
July, addressed a note to the Secretary of State, intimating 
his resolution to proceed in a formal manner against Mr. 
Genet; and accordingly Mr. Morris, the American minis- 
ter at Paris, was instructed to desire his recal; a measure 
now indispensable to the dignity, honor and independence 
of the United States. 

The declaration of Genet, that he would appeal from the 
M2 



138 THE LIFE OF 

Executive to the j^eojile of the United States, as if the peo- 
ple had been in opposition to the Executive, now being fully 
established, and perfectly understood, began to cause that 
reaction of public opinion in favour of Washington, which 
is ever certain to be produced where the warmth of feeling 
has hurried the judgment into error, in opposition to the 
best principles of the heart and the soundest maxims of 
rational liberty, the purest doctrines of social right and 
national independence. The people began at last to awake 
to the proper estimation of the pure and exalted character 
of the great man who directed the destinies of the nation 
in the true spirit of wisdom, actuated by the most patriotic 
motives of true glory. 

It will ever redound to the honour of the federal party ,^ 
that in this crisis they sustained the course pursued by 
Washington, in relation to France, without opposing those 
free prindjdes which they thought might eventually con- 
duct her to rational liberty; and it will always be admitted, 
as a full palliation of the conduct of tlie democratic party, 
that they lost sight for a moment, and for a moment only, 
of what was due to their own character, dignity and inde- 
pendence, in their enthusiasm for the cause of freedom, and 
the establishment of the rights of man. On this occasion, 
the two parties arrayed themselves in direct hostility, but 
the supporters of the o-re«/ Washington tr'mmii\\ed, as they 
deserved to do, over the infuriated champions of the dema- 
gogue minister of the French; so that, finally, the procla- 
mation of neutrality was fully sustained by public opixion. 

The relations of the United States with Spain, Great 
Britain and France, daily became more complicated, and 
at one time threatened serious consequences to the tran- 
quillity of the nation. The navigation of the Mississippi; 
the contemplated invasion of Florida; troops to be raised 
and commanded by Genet, the insolent minister of the 
French, presuming upon liberty to insult the majesty of the 
American people; the hostilities with the Indians; the im- 
pressment of .American seamen by English cruizers; the 
violation of neutral rights by France and England, in their 
attempts to cut off tlie commerce and resources of each 
other; the insults offered to the United States by the French; 
and other minor points of collision, all contributed to in- 
crease the difficulties of the country, and manifest the 
growing importance of the concerns of tire republic. 



GEORGE WASHINGTOK. 139 

It was under the pressure of these ag-gravated embarrass- 
ments, that Washington addressed Congress, on the 4th of 
December, in his speech reviewing the causes most likelj 
to lead to war, and suggesting the measures best calculated 
to avert, or repel it. The following passage from his ad- 
dress on that occasion, is worthy of all praise : — " I cannot 
recommend to your notice measures for the fulfilment of 
our duties to the rest of the world, without again pressing 
upon you the necessity of placing ourselves in a condition 
of complete defence, and of exacting from them the fulfil- 
ment of their duties towards us. The United States ought 
not to indulge a persuasion that, contrary to the order of 
human events, they will for ever keep at a distance those 
painful appeals to arms, with which the history of every 
other nation abounds. There is a rank due to the United 
States among nations which will be withheld, if not abso- 
lutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. If we desire to 
avoid insult, we must be able to repel it; if we desire to 
secure peace, one of the most powerful instruments of our 
prosperity, it must be known that we are, at all times, 

READY FOR WAR." 

Although a democratic ^majority had been elected to the 
House of Bepresentatives , that body approved and sanc- 
tioned all the proceedings of Washington, in respect to 
Genet, and the proclamation of neutrality — thus furnish- 
ing conclusive proof that judicious, reflecting, and ra- 
tional men, of all parties, concurred in the wisdom, and 
applauded the patriotism of his measures. 

Mr. Jefferson, the Secretary of State, now submitted to 
Congress an able and elaborate report, on free trade and 
unrestricted commerte; but concluding with a strong re- 
commendation for retaliatory impositions against those na- 
tions that embarrassed our navigation, and hindered our 
industry by prohibitory duties. 

Having submitted this report, Mr. Jefferson, on the 31st 
off December, 1793, resigned his office^ having, some time 
previous, intimated his intention to the President. 

Judge Marshall has paid so handsome a tribute to the 
character of Mr. Jefferson, (m the occasion of hi« resigna- 
tion, that I cannot omit to quote it in this place, as the 
praise extorted by tnerit^ from a liberal, enlightened, and 
magnanimous opponent: — '^' This gentleman withdrew from 
political station at a moi^ient when he stood particularly 



140 THE LIFE OF 

high in the esteem of his countrymen. His fixed opposition 
to the financial schemes which had been proposed by the 
Secretary of the Treasury, and approved by the legislative 
and executive departments of the government — his ardent 
and undisguisjed attachment to the revolutionary party in 
France — the dispositions which he was declared to possess 
in regard to Great Britain 5 and the popularity of his opin- 
ions respecting the Constitution of the United States, had 
devoted to him that immense party, whose sentiments were 
supposed to comport with his on most or all of these inter- 
esting subjects. To the opposite party he had, of course, 
become particularly unacceptable. But the publication of 
his correspondence with Mr. Genet, dissipated much of the 
prejudice which had been excited against him. He had, 
in that correspondence, maintained with great ability, 
the opinions embraced by the federalists on those points 
of difference which had arisen between the two republics, 
and which, having become universally the subjects of dis- 
cussion, had, in some measure, displaced those topics on 
which the parties had previously divided. The partiality 
for France that was conspicuous through the whole of it, 
detracted nothing from its merit in the opinion of the friends 
of the administration, because, however decided might be 
their determination to support their own government in a 
controversy with any nation whatever, they felt all the 
partialities for that republic which the correspondence ex- 
pressed. The hostility of his enemies therefore, was, for 
a time, considerably lessened without a corresponding dimi- 
nution of the attachment of his friends. Li office, it would 
have been impracticable long to preserve these dispositions; 
and it would have been diflicult to preserve that ascendancy 
which he held over the minds of those who had supported, 
and probably would continue to support, every pretension of 
the French republic, without departing from principles and 
measures, wliich he had openly and ably defended." 

Edmund Randolph was now appointed by Washington 
to succeed Mr. Jeft'erson; and William Bradford, of Penn- 
sylvania, was appointed to succeed Mr. Randolph, as 
Attorney Generctl. 

The Algerine cruizers having captured several valuable 
American merchantmen, and all efforts to eff"ect a peace with 
that national freebooter, having failed, the President recom- 
mended to Congress the establishment of a naval force; and 



&EORGE WASHINGTON. 141 

Oil the 2d of Januaiy, 1794, a resolution was agreed to by 
the House of Representatives, ''that a naval force adequate 
to the protection of the commerce of the United States, 
ought to be provided, to consist of six frigates, four of 44, 
and two of 36 guns." 

This project was opposed with great ardour and eloquence 
by the democratic members, on the ground of expense; that 
it was part of the system of monarchy; that it augmented 
the public debt, which was a great burden on the people, 
and was highly tyrannical. I'he bill, however, was finally 
carried by a majority of eleven! 

British cruizers now began to commit serious depredations 
on American commerce, by authority of that government. 
A war with England was accordingly anticipated, and a 
project to raise an army of fifteen thousand men, was intro- 
duced by Mr. Sedgewick. An embargo was also proposed 
and passed, to extend to thirty days. Bills to organise eighty 
thousand militia, and procure arms and ammunition; to 
raise a provisional army of twenty-five thousand men, and 
fortify posts and harbours, were submitted and agreed to. 
But all these, besides other measures, were suddenly ar- 
rested by the revocation of the obnoxious British order. 

An increasing affection for France, and devotion to French 
liberty, again broke out among the people, and pervaded the 
Congress^ while at the same tir.ie; the clamour against Eng- 
land rose to a high pitch, portending war and civil commo- 
tion. 

All these fluctuations of opinions and events, were ob- 
served by Washington with a vigilant eye, but a mind un- 
moved by the excitements and agitations of the hour. De- 
termined to preserve a neutral attitude, unless forced from 
it by actual aggression, or insults incompatible with honour, 
if submitted to, and which thus far, had not happened, he 
resolved to make a last effort to negociate terms with Great 
Britain, and accordingly nominated Mr. Jay, as envoy ex- 
traordinary to the court of St. James. This nomination was 
approved by the Senate, and while the attempt at negocia- 
tion revived the hopes of a continuance of peace in the 
hearts of good men, it struck dismay and confusion into 
those, who, reckless of all consequences, hoped to fatten on 
the public misery, or gratify their passions at the expense 
of the prosperity of the people. 

No act of his life so fully demonstrated the wisdom, pa- 



142 THE LIFE OF 

triotism and firmness of Washington, as thisj and, as it is 
chiefly in respect to the illustration of his character and 
genius, that I follow the course of his prominent public 
measures; this one, of opening negociations with Great Bri- 
tain, in the midst of a popular excitement, so intense and 
glowing, in favour of France, and in hostility to England, 
demands peculiar and emphatic attention, as an evidence of 
that lofty consciousness of rectitude, which distinguished 
him throughout the whole course of his existence, and 
which rendered him wholly indifferent to the censure and 
misrepresentations of the factious, the prejudiced and the 
unthinking. 

It will scarcely be credited by future generations, that 
this Congress purchased peace with Jllgiers, at the price of 
a million of dollars! 

Congress now adjourned on the 9th of June, to the first 
Monday in November. 

Genet was on the eve of carrying hostile expeditions into 
the Floridas and Louisiana, by troops raised in the United 
States, when he was recalled by his government; and at the 
very time that the President contemplated the suspension 
of his diplomatic functions. He was succeeded by Fauchet. 

The French now requested the recal of Governeur Mor- 
ris, the American minister at Paris; with which Washington 
immediately complied; appointing in his place, James Mon- 
roe^ an ardent champion of the cause of French liberty, and 
an enthusiastic admirer of the bloody scenes of the French 
revolution. 

The free navigation of the Mississippi had now become 
an important object to the western country; and Kentucky 
demanded, in energetic and imperative terms, that govern- 
ment should ^roc?/re the restitution of what the God of na- 
ture had originally granted to them. But, anterior to this 
remonstrance, Washington had prosecuted negociations for 
that object with a zeal and sedulity never exceeded, though 
not yet successful. 

On the 20th of August, 1794, General Wayne obtained a 
signal victory over the Miami Indians. 

The insurrection of the ivestern counties of Penyisylvania, 
against the excise on distilled spirits, now claimed the most 
serious attention of the President; having reached a head 
that bid open defiance to the civil power^ and even menaced 
the military force of the Union with a successful resistance. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 143 

On the 7th of August, 1794, therefore, "Washington issued 
his Proclamation, commanding the insurgents to submit to 
the laws, and calling on tlie Governors of the States to fur- 
nish their quotas of militia, to the amount of twelve thou- 
sand men, to march at a moment's warning. By these 
prompt and vigorous measures, the President succeeded in 
quelling this formidable insurrection, which at one time 
threatened to diffuse its revolutionary flame, into a general 
conflagration of civil war, fatal to the peace of the country, 
and rife with anarchy, bloodshed, and ruin: and which, 
originating in the wanton spirit of licentious liberty, in the 
full enjoyment of freedom, property, and every civil right 
and political privilege, manifested a degree of depravity in 
the instigators, which excited not less astonishment than 
abhorrence. 

In resorting to the extremity of military coercion on this 
occasion, Washington displayed all those high qualities of 
benevolence and moderation, tenderness for human life, and 
sympathy for human suffering, which always mark the man 
of true greatness of soul. Aware of the terrific disasters, 
the desolating ravages, the heart-rending woes, which ever 
await upon civil strife, he deferred a resort to force up to 
the last moment, when ingenuity had been exhausted to 
devise plans of conciliation, and every effort had failed to 
draw back the insurgents to a dutiful obedience to the laws. 
Even then, he determined rather to intimidate and overcome 
them into submission by a force whose magnitude should 
strike them with dismay, and prevent hostilities than chas- 
tise them into submission, or extirpate them by the sword. 
Always humane, but at the same time, always just; while he 
consulted all the dictates of feeling towards the insurgents, 
he had to consider his higher obligations to preserve the vir- 
tuous portion of society from slaughter, conflagration and 
murder, by causing the government to be respected, the 
laws to be enforced, and the harmony of the social order 
preserved from violence, rupture and anarchy. 

If, in contemplating the dark gulf of civil war that now 
yawned before him, he was excited to impute this insurrec- 
tion to causes, societies and persf)ns, who may have been 
guiltless of instigating to so horrible a crime; the error, if 
one existed, may easily be excused on account of the terrific 
magnitude of the calamities impending-; and the anxious 
solicitude which must naturally have disquieted his mind, 



144 THE LIFE OF 

to avert that most shocl^ingof all human ills, a civil commo- 
tion, which desolates a country with blood, and leaves no 
hope of returning tranquillity to cheer the mind amidst the 
triple wreck of property, happiness and life. 

The sentiments of Washington upon this event, cannot 
fail to excite the reverence and extort the approbation of 
the reader. In a letter to Mr. Jay, he thus expressed him- 
self: " That the self created societies who have spread 
themselves over this country, have been labouring inces- 
santly to sow the seeds of distrust, jealousy, and of course, 
, discontent, hoping thereby to effect some revolution in the 
government, is not unknown to you. That they have been 
the fomenters of the western disturbances, admits of no 
doubt in the mind of any one who will examine their con- 
duct. But, fortunately, they have precipitated a crisis, for 
which they were not prepared; and thereby have unfolded 
views, which will, I trust, eftect their annihilation sooner 
than it might have happened. An occasion has also been 
afforded for the people of this country to show their abhor- 
rence of the result, and their attachment to the constitution 
and the laws; for, I believe, that five times the number of 
militia that were required, would have come forward in 
support of them, had it been necessary." 

" The spirit which blazed out on this occasion, as soon as 
the object was fully understood, and the lenient measures 
of the government were made known to the people, deserves 
to be communicated. There are instances of general offi- 
cers going at the head of a single troop, or of light compa- 
nies; of field officers, when they came to the place of ren- 
dezvous, and found for them no command in that grade, 
turning into the ranks, and serving as private soldiers under 
their own captains; and of numbers possessing the first for- 
tunes in the country, standing in the ranks as private men, 
and by way of example to others, marching day by day with 
their knapsacks at their backs, and sleeping on straw, with 
a single blanket, in a soldier's tent, during the frosty nights, 
which we have had. Nay, more, many young Quakers of 
the first family, character and property, not discouraged by 
the elders, have turned into the ranks, and are marching 
with the troops." 

Congress assembled in November, and on the 19th of 
that month, the President pronounced to them his annual 
speech, on the state of the nation; replete with suggestions 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 145 

of wisdom, sentiments of patriotism, lessons of policy, and 
admonitions for improvement, urging the organization of the 
militia, the redemption of the public debt, and other whole- 
some measures tending to the national weal. One passage 
of his address deserves to be here quoted: after commend- 
ing the alacrity with which the people had rallied in defence 
of the Union, he proceeded to say: "To every description, 
indeed, of citizens, let praise be given: but let them per- 
severe in their affectionate vigilance over that precious 

DEPOSITORY OF AMERICAN HAPPINESS, THE CONSTITUTION OF 

THE UNITED STATES. And wheu, in the calm moments of 
reflection, they shall have retraced the origin and progress 
of the insurrection, let them determine whether it has not 
been fomented by combinations of men, who, careless of 
consequences, and disregarding the unerring truth, that 
those who rouse, cannot always appease a civil convulsion, 
have disseminated, from an ignorance or perversion of facts, 
suspicions, jealousies, and accusations of the whole govern- 
ment." 

He now recommended to Congress, a more perfect organ- 
isation of the militia, to meet a similar crisis, should it ever 
again arise, and to secure the general defence of the 
country. 

Parties in Congress now ran so high, as to demonstrate 
the fearful pitch, to which political opinio ns may inflame 
the passions of men, even when in the full enjoyment of all 
the blessings which real freedom can secure to a virtuous 
and enlightened people. 

An important measure of this Congress, which had been 
originally and repeatedly urged by Washington, and whose 
beneficial effects have been felt even down to the present 
time, while the credit of its suggestion has been successively 
assumed by every subsequent administration, was a bill to 
provide for the gradual redemption of the public debt; and 
whose object has, at the time of penning this life, been fully, 
or to all intents and purposes, fully consummated. For the 
passage of this act, we are indebted to the guardian patri- 
otism of Washington^ and for the devisement of the scheme 
of the Sinking Fund, we are indebted to the genius and 
talents of .Alexander Hamilton, the William Pitt of the 
United States, in every attribute of mind, save his love of 
liberty, his opposition to the arbitrary acts of the mother 
country, and his determined resolution to conquer, or die, 

N 



146 THE LIFE OF 

in the sacred cause of Independence. To the Congress of 
1794 — 5, however, we owe the adoption of a system for the 
redemption of a debt, whicli, in its course of periodical 
liquidation, has excited the ambition of every administration, 
to claim the merit of its origin, in virtue of their mere 
necessary compliance with its legal requisitions. I state 
this fact, only to show the extent of public virtue, and un- 
affected patriotism, which must have belonged to the great 
AND GOOD MAN, who was its vecil and original author^ and 
to whom we stand indebted as a people, for so many and 
such great and endless blessings. 

The scanty provision made for the recompense of the 
officers of government, now deprived Wasliington of the 
aid and assistance of his able and ingenious financier^ and 
the plan for the redemj)tion of the public debt was the last 
official act of an important character which emanated from 
the Secretary of the Treasury: — that gentleman, from the 
inadequate nature of his salary, being now compelled to 
relinquish his station in the government. Hamilton gave 
in his resignation on the 31st of January, 1795. Whatever 
could be said of his political principles and views b}^ the 
members of an antagonist party, all conceded to this great 
man the possession of talents and abilities never surpassed 
by an American statesman. Devoted to the Union, and op- 
posed to the anarchical system of State sovereignty, as equal 
to national power, he stood side by side to Washington, 
through all the contentions of parties, and so fully reflected 
the sentiments and principles of the father of his country^ 
as to forbid just censure, while his great patron received 
unqualified praise. Ranging himself in opposition to the 
sanguinary excesses of the French revolution, he had the 
sagacity to foresee, and the moral courage to predict, that 
it could not and would not end in the permanent establish- 
ment of a popular, free and happy government. Washing- 
ton appointed Oliver Wolcott, of Connecticut, in his place. 

In respect to the best policy, which wisdom dictated to 
the United vStates to pursue towards the Indian tribes^ 
Washington always espoused a pacific^ C07iciliating, and 
humane system. A report upon this subject by the Secre- 
tary at War, contained this excellent passage: — 

♦' It seems that our own experience would demonstrate 
the propriety of endeavouring to preserve a pacific conduct 
in preference to a hostile one with the Indian tribes. The 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 147 

United States can get nothing by an Indian war; but they 
risk men, money, and reputation. As we are more powerful 
and more enlightened than they are, there is a responsibility 
of national character that we should treat them with kind- 
ness and even with liberality.''^ 

From the same cause that had deprived Washington of the 
genius of Alexander Hamilton in the Treasury, was he now 
bereaved of the services of General Knox, the Secretary at 
War, who, from the penurious provision made for the com- 
pensation of the heads of departments, was now compelled 
to tender his resignation, which he did on the 28th of De- 
cember, 1794. Timothy Pickering, was appointed to suc- 
ceed him. 

On the 7th of March, 1795, Jay's celebrated treaty with 
England, was received at the Department of State. 

Prior to the arrival of this treaty in the United States, 
the prejudice of party had perverted its character, and 
popular clamour had denounced it, without even being 
acquainted with its merits or demerits. The prejudice of 
the popular mind against England, gave a tone to the sen- 
timents of the people, which superceded all enquiry into its 
provisions and terms. It was sufficient that it was a treaty 
with Engcland, and that Jay had been the negociator, to 
doom it to the irrevocable abhorrence of an inflamed people. 
Popular meetings were convened to denounce; parties 
arrayed to oppose it; and newspapers employed to stigmatise 
it — but, the Senate of the U^iited States and George Wash- 
ington\\2i6. ratified the treaty; and yet the people proclaimed 
that it would destroy the interest, sully the honour, and 
undermine the independence of the country — ^because it was 
a British treaty ! Marshall indulges in the following judi- 
cious reflections upon this course of the party, who were re- 
solved to see no merit, and to detest every measure, having 
the remotest connexion with England. *' In the populous 
cities, meetings of the people were immediately summoned, 
in order to take into their consideration, and to express their 
opinions respecting an instrument, to comprehend the full 
extent of which, a statesman would need deep reflection in 
the quiet of his closet, aided by considerable inquiry. It may 
well be supposed, that persons feeling some distrust of their 
capacity to form, intuitively, a correct judgment on a sub- 
ject so complex, and disposed only to act knowingly, would 
be disinclined to attend such meetings; or, if present at 



148 THE LIFE OF 

them, would be unwilling to commit themselves by so hasty 
a decision. Many intelligent men, therefore, stood aloof, 
while the most intemperate assumed, as usual, the name of 
the people; pronounced a definitive and unqualified condem- 
nation of every article in the treaty; and with the utmost 
confidence assigned reasons for their opinions, which in 
many instances, had only an imaginary existence." In 
saying this, Marshall disclaims being an advocate for the 
treaty; but for what reason it is difficult to imagine. 

The treaty was burnt by a mob of three hundred persons 
before the doors of the British minister and consul at Phi- 
ladelphia, as well as before the mansion of Mr. Bingham^ 
one of the Senators ! 

Washington however, with his characteristic firmness, 
remained immovable — determined never to yield his consti- 
tutional functions to public clamour, and to make the policy 
of government a mere weathercock of party. He was all 
that an American, proud of his country, and in love with 
virtue, could wish him. 

During the raging of the storm kindled by the ratification 
of the treaty, Washington, as usual, retired for a short 
period to Mount Vernon^ from whence, in a letter dated the 
31st of July, he expressed himself to a friend in Philadel- 
phia, in terms of the most acute anxiety, as to the embarrass- 
ments in which these popular movements placed the govern- 
ment with foreign powers, especially the two jealous belli- 
gerents, whose wars, like the gulfs of Sylla and Charibdis, 
every moment threatened to drag the United States into 
their devouring Aortex. 

On the 11th of August, Washington returned to Phila- 
delphia, and having called a cabinet council, he ratified the 
treaty, resolved to discharge his duty in defiance of all 
consequences to his own popularity. 

Exasperated by this decided and firm step, the popular 
indignation rose to the highest pitch, and ventured to prefer 
charges of peculation against the man, who had spent a life 
of toil in the service of his country, without fee or reward! 
A calumny so gross could not adhere to a reputation so 
spotless; and public indignation, upon an inquiry into the 
grounds of the libel, frowned its propagators into silence 
and contempt. 

On the 19th of August, 1795, the Secretary of State 
tendered his resignation, and Mr. Pickering was appointed 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 149 

in his room; and Mr. M 'Henry was commissioned as Se- 
cretary at War. The death of Mr. Bradford having caused 
a vacancy in the office of Attorney General, Mr. Lee, of 
Virginia, was appointed. 

The western counties of Pennsylvania were now restored 
to perfect quiet. 

On the 3d of August, General Wayne concluded a treaty 
of peace with the Indian tribes, north-west of the Ohio, as 
well as those of the southern portion of the Union. 

On the 5th of September, a treaty with Algiers was con- 
cluded. 

Successful in all points in adjusting the differences of the 
country with Foreign Powers, a treaty with Spain was 
likewise concluded, in which the free navigation of the 
Mississippi river was guaranteed, and satisfactory bounda- 
ries settled: thus, evincing on the part of Washington, those 
high qualities of perseverance, prudence, justice, firmness, 
dignity and right, which constitute the practical statesinan, 
and which in his person were combined with the exalted 
virtues of the approved patriot. 

The new Congress now met, and again exhibited a majo- 
rity in the House of Representatives, opposed to the admi- 
nistration. The speech of the President was, as usual, dis- 
tinguished for wisdom, firmness, dignity and moderation, 
in which he exhorted Congress to the practice of toleration 
and forbearance. 

Mr. Adet, having succeeded Fauchet as minister from 
France, the former presented to the President, on the 1st 
January, 1796, the colours of the French nation, on M'hich 
occasion Washington delivered a highly complimentary 
address to the French ambassador, in which tlie cause of 
liberty was most enthusiastically extolled by the American 
chief, who did not fail to pay a tribute of warm praise to 
the virtues and gallantry of the citizens of France. 

In February, 1796, the treaty with Great Britain was 
returned to the President, ratified by the English monarch. 
Accordingly, Washington, in pursuance of his constitu- 
tional functions, issued his proclamation, announcing its 
terms, and enjoining its observance and execution as the 
supreme law of the land. 

At this proclamation the House of Representatives took 
umbrao;e, under an impression that the action of the House 
was necessary to its validity. 
N 2 



150 THE LIFE OF 

To manifest this dissatisfaction, the House adopted a re- 
solution, calling on the President to lay before them all 
papers connected with the negociations of Mr. Jay with 
the British government. As a party movement, hostile to 
Washington, this resolution acquired great importance, not 
only as it infringed on his constitutional jwwers^ but as it 
placed him in a position of direct collision with the popular 
branch of tlie Legislature. Fortunately for the constitu- 
tion and the country, his firmness was not to be moved by 
the dread of losing popular favour. Important pi-ecedefits 
were to be established by his conduct on this occasion: and, 
acting with his wonted deliberation, judgment and sagacity, 
he transmitted a message to the House, on the 30th of 
March, in which he denied their right to demand papers, 
and declined a compliance with their resolution. This 
message is remarkable for a vigour of reasoning, a frank- 
ness of tone, a fearlessness of consequences and a perspi- 
cuity of exposition which will never fail to command ad- 
miration and extort applause; as a triumphant vindication 
of executive prerogative and constitutional provision, against 
attempted legislative usurpation and the confusion and chaos 
of mere party innovations. 

At the liead of the opposition to Washington, in the 
House of Representatives, stood Albert Gallatin, a talented 
emigrant from Switzerland, who had been conspicuous in 
the western insurrection, and whom popular infatuation 
had invested with the dignity of a representative, instead 
of the obscurity of the insurgent. This man, always loose 
in principle, and never satisfied with the regular movements 
of lawful government, now attempted to oppose tlie en- 
lightened decision of Washington, by the clamour of faction 
and the sophistry of the demagogue. In vain, however, did 
this wily Jesuit oppose what lie liad not virtue enough to 
approve. The dignified and patriotic policy of Washing- 
ton triumphed; and, on the 29th of April, the resolution 
was carried in favour of the necessary laws to carry into 
eftect the treaty M'ith Great Britain. 

Congress adjourned on the 1st of June, with party pas- 
sions highly inflamed; and containing, among some of the 
brightest jewels of political worth and purity, more than 
enough of gross and grovelling material to have fomented a 
revolution against the united virtue of the sages of mankind. 

Amidst the cares of State, and the complicated avocations 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. - 151 

incidental to the government of a great empire, Washington 
did not permit the finer emotions of friendship and humanity 
to be effaced from his heart. Having been early and cor- 
dially attached, by the ties of the warmest friendship, to 
the Marquis La Fayette, he had been a grieved observer of 
the exile and imprisonment of that chivalrous Frenchman 
in the dungeon of Olmutz; and had exerted his influence, 
through the American ambassadors at foreign courts, to al- 
leviate his sufferings, and procure his enlargement 5 but, 
disappointed in this object, he addressed a letter to the 
Emperor of Germany, which is so deeply characterised by 
the noblest feelings, the most refined sentiments, and the 
purest ebullitions of a humane and generous heart, that I 
cannot omit to record it for the pleasure of the reader. 

" It will readily occur to your majesty that occasions 
may sometimes exist, on which official considerations would 
constrain the chief of a nation to be silent and passive in 
relation even to objects Mhich affect his sensibility, and 
claim his interposition as a man. Finding myself precisely 
in this situation at present, I take the liberty of writing 
this private letter to your majesty, being persuaded that my 
motives will also be my apology for it." 

" In common with the people of this country, I retain a 
strong and cordial sense of the services rendered to them 
by the Marquis de la Fayette; and my friendship for him 
has been constant and sincere. It is natural, therefore, 
that I should sympathise with him and his family in their 
misfortunes, and endeavour to mitigate the calamities they 
experience, among which his present confinement is not the 
least distressing. " 

'' I forbear to enlarge on tliis delicate subject. Permit 
me only to submit to your majesty's consideration, whether 
his long imprisonment, and the confiscation of his estate, 
and tlie indigence and dispersion of his family, and the 
painful anxieties incident to all these circumstances, do not 
form an assemblage of suff*erings which recommend him to 
the mediation of humanity.^ Allow me, sir, on this occa- 
sion to be its organ; and to entreat that he may be permit- 
ted to come to this country on such conditions, and under 
such restrictions as your majesty may think it expedient to 
prescribe. " 

"' As it is a maxim with me not to ask what, under similar 
circumstances, I would not grant, your majesty will do me 



152 THE LIFE OF 

the justice to believe, that this request appears to me to 
correspond with those great principles of magnanimity and 
wisdom which form the basis of sound policy and durable 
glory." 

Another epoch in the life and history of Washington, was 
now about to take place, inferior to no preceding era of his 
eventful existence, and illustrious character, in the impor- 
tance of its influence upon the government and destinies of 
his native country, by the precedent it would establish, as a 
conservative principle of the liberties, riglits and happiness 
of the people. This was the epoch of his retirement from 
office. 

His intention to decline another election, had for some time 
been imparted to his intimate friends, who justly contem- 
plated with dread an event which would open the country to 
the convulsions of party on the one hand, or the agitations 
incident to an untried system on the other. Having been 
forced, as it were, by the power of public opinion, from the 
sweets of private life, purely from considerations of national 
usefulness; and having yielded to this force with painful 
reluctance, he now, seeing his country safely moored from 
the tempests of domestic discord and foreign aggression, 
once more turned his eyes towards Mount Vernon, sighing 
for the repose of its shades, and longing to enjoy the tran- 
quil solace of its domestic endearments. To establish a 
wholesome limit to the term of executive power, which the 
constitution had left open to an indefinite practice, to be 
settled hj precedent, was not among the least of his motives 
which induced him to form this resolution: to depart from 
which, nothing short of circumstances fatal to the existence 
of the Union could have influenced him. 

It is a singular and an exalted trait in the character of 
Washington, that party never understood him, and that 
party never could appreciate the purit}" of his virtue, or the 
grandeur of his genius. The reason of this was, that he 
never thought, or felt through the medium of party himself, 
and liad no sympathy for its delusions, its blindness, its 
deceptions and its sinuosities. His passions were national 
not factious, his views were for his country, not for a party; 
and hence the non-existence of all sympathy, between those 
who looked at every measure through the locus of a party, 
and the great patriot who never permitted himself to look 
at any subject but through the medium of his country^ s 
good! 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 153 

Whatever Mr. Jeiferson may have alleged in moments of 
envy, or during the irritation of party excitement, to dis- 
parage the republican force of the inflexible principles of 
Washington, he has made ample atonement for the injustice, 
in his notes of ' Conversations with the President,'^ from 
which I cannot omit to quote the following passage, "I 
expressed to him, says Jefferson, my excessive repugnance 
to public life, the particular uneasiness of my situation in 
this place, where the laws of society oblige me to move 
exactly in the circle which I know to bear me peculiar 
hatred; that is to say, the wealthy aristocrats, the merchants 
connected closely with England, the new created paper 
fortunes; that, thus surrounded, my words were caught, 
multiplied, misconstrued, and even fabricated and spread 
abroad to my injury; that he sav/ also, that there was such 
an opposition of views between myself and another part of 
the administration, as to render it peculiarly unpleasing, 
and to destroy the necessary harmony. Without knowing 
the views of what is called the republican party here, or ha- 
ving any communication with them, I could undertake to 
assure him, from my intimacy with that party in the late 
Congress, that there was not a view in the republican party, 
as spread over the United States, which went to the frame 
of the government; that I believed the next Congress would 
attempt nothing material, but to render their own body in- 
dependent; that that party were firm in their dispositions 
to support the government; that the manoeuvres of Mr. 
Genet might produce some little embarrassment, but that 
he would be abandoned by the republicans the moment they 
knew the nature of liis conduct: and, on the whole, no crisis 
existed which threatened any thing." 

'' He said, he believed the views of the republican party 
were perfectly pure, but lohen men put a tnachine into 7no- 
tion it is impossible for them to stop it exactly where they 
would choose, or to say where it will stop. jThat the con- 
stitution we have is an excellent one, if we can keep it where 
it is; that it was indeed, supposed there was a party dis- 
posed to change it into a monarchical form, but that he 
could conscientiously declare there was not a man in the 
United States who would set his face more decidedly 
against it than himself. Here I interrupted him, by saying, 
'no rational man in the United States suspects you of any 
other dispositioti: but there does not pass a week, in which 



154 THE LIFE OF 

we cannot prove declarations dropping from the monarchi- 
cal party, that our government is good for nothing, is a milk 
and water thing which cannot support itself, we must knock 
it down, and set up something of more energy.' He said, 
if that ivas the case, he thought it a j)roof of their insanity, 
for that the republican spirit of the Union loas so manifest 
and so solid, that it was astonishing hoiv any one could 
expect to move it.^^ 

Making allowance for the envy which evidently moved 
Jefferson, on all occasions, to disparage Washington, the 
former has been more just to him than might with reason 
be expected; when we consider that the latter never encour- 
aged Jefferson to look beyond his cabinet appointment, and 
always gave the preference of patronage, with an eye to the 
succession, to the enemies of the Secretary of State, which 
could not fail to kindle his resentment, and even excite 
his venom. Yet, even thus prejudiced as Jefferson was 
against the father of his country, he has given us the fol- 
lowing testimony in favour of the modesty, moderation and 
republican simplicity of the first President of the nation, 
and which, I presume, we are to understand as equivalent 
to his recantation of his insidious charges of his monarchi- 
cal disposition and design in the institution oi levees, SfC. — 
'• V/hcn the President went to New York, he resisted, for 
three weeks, the effort to introduce levees. At length he 
yielded, and left it to Humphreys, and some others, to set- 
tle the forms. Accordingly, an anti-chamber and presence 
room were provided, and when those who were to pay their 
court were assembled, the President set out, preceded by 
Humphreys. After passing through the anti-chamber the 
door of the inner room was thrown open, and Humphreys 
entered first, calling out with a loud voice, ' the President 
of the United States.' The President was so much discon- 
certed with it, that he did not recover it the whole time of 
the levee, and when the company was gone, he said to 
Humphreys— 'well you have taken me in once, but you 
shall never take me in a second time.' " 

It must ever excite the surprise, regret and mortification 
of all true jimericans, that a party ever did exist in oppo- 
sition to George Washington; and in the minds of the same 
it will ever excite mingled emotions of contempt and ab- 
horrence, that this party should have opened the battery of 
their slanders, as they beheld the patriot on his retreat to 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 155 

private life; and that their malicious detraction sharpened 
its demoniac acrimony as the object of their calumny ap- 
peared to ascend beyond their reach, in his progress to an 
exalted and immortal renown. Like all cowards, they 
began the attack when the lion had turned his back on the 
reptiles who in vain strove to sting him, and finding the 
giant impenetrable to their pigmy malice, they determined, 
by making a noise, to conceal their own imbecility and di- 
minisli the apparent grandeur of their foe — by the virulence 
of their hatred and malignity. 

Foremost in this work of infamy stood Freneau*s and 
Baohe's papers, the infuriate champions of licentious doc- 
trines, and the common sewer tlirough which concealed 
rancour poured its cowardly libels upon the head of the mrin 
who had achieved the independence and founded the repub- 
lic of America; who had won its victories in fields of blood, 
and cemented its liberties by the practical illustration of 
the constitution which he had assisted to frame and adopt. 
In one of these journals appeared a confidential paper, 
which had been privately submitted to the advice of 
his cabinet; and the publicity of which brought suspicions 
of a perfidious betrayal of confidence on some member ot 
his late administration. From this paper, faction drew in- 
ferences to blacken the fame and asperse the motives of 
Washington, in relation to his deportment tov/ards the in- 
solent Genet, and the bloody scenes of tlie French revo- 
lution. 

Mr. Jefferson, oa whom, from the fact of his retirement 
from the cabinet, and other circumstances, suspicion un- 
justly fell, of having violated his confidence as a cabinet 
minister, now thought proper to vindicate liimself, in a letter 
to Washington, from the foul charge of having given it to 
the public; and that this violation of confidence and good 
faith, must have been the work of some other, less alive to 
the purity of his character, and the value of a good name. 
Mr. JeiFerson avowed his total abstraction from all party 
questions. 

To this letter of vindication and denial, Washington thus 
responded: "If I had entertained any suspicion before, that 
the queries which have been published in Bache's paper, 
proceeded from you, the assurances you have given of the 
contrary would have removed them: but the truth is, I har- 
boured none. I am at no loss to conjecture from what 



156 THE LIFE OF 

source they flowed, through what channel they were con- 
veyed, nor for what purpose they and similar publications 
appear. 

" As you have mentioned the subject yourself, it would 
not be frank, candid, or friendly, to conceal that your con- 
duct has been represented as derogating from that opinion 
I conceived you had entertained of me; that to your parti- 
cular friends and connexions you have described, and they 
have denounced me, as a person under a dangerous influ- 
ence, and that, if I would listen more to some other opi- 
nions, all would be well. My answer invariably has been, 
that I had never discovered any thing in the conduct of Mr. 
Jefferson to raise suspicions in my mind of his sincerity; 
that if he would retrace my public conduct, while he was in 
the administration, abundant proofs would occur to him, 
that truth and right decisions were the sole objects of my 
pursuit; that there were as many instances within his own 
knowledge of my having decided against as in favour of 
the person evidently alluded to; and, moreover, that I was 
no believer in the infallibility of the politics or measures of 
any man living. In short, that I was wo party man myself, 
and that the first wish of my heart, was, if parties did exist, 
to reconcile them. " 

" To this I may add, and very truly, that, until the last 
year or two, 1 had no conception that parties would, or - 
even could go the lengths I have been witness to; nor did I 
believe, until lately, that it was within the bounds of proba- 
bility, hardly within those of possibility, that while I was 
using my utmost exertions, to establish a national character 
of our own, independent as far as our obligations and jus- 
tice would permit, of every nation of the earth; and wished, 
by steering a steady course, to preserve this country from 
the horrors of a desolating war, I should be accused of being 
the enemy of one nation, and subject to the influence of 
another; and to prove it, that every act of my administration 
would be tortured, and the grossest and most insidious mis- 
representations of them be made, by giving one side only of 
a subject, and that too in such exaggerated and indecent 
terms, as could scarcely be applied to a Nero — to a notorious 
defaulter — or even to a common pick-pocket. 

But, enough of this — I have already gone further in the 
expression of my feelings than I intended. " 

Every expedient of depravity — every project of forgery 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 157 

and defamation, were now exhausted to blast his fame, or 
tarnish his glory. Fabricated letters, which had before been 
published, in 1777, detected and condemned, were now 
raked from the recesses of putrid slander, and republished 
as genuine, by the same incendiaries who had attempted to 
defame him through Bache's paper, and which occasioned 
the denial of Mr. Jefterson's agency in that dark work of 
moral assassination. The letters were said to have been 
found in a portmanteau, left in the care of his mulatto ser- 
vant Billy, who was taken prisoner by the British.' In the 
exposure of their fabrication by Washington, deposited in 
the department of state, it appears that Billy never was 
taken prisoner, and that no part of the baggage of the Ge» 
neral ever fell into the hands of the enemy. 

The charges of enmity towards France, alleged to per- 
vade and influence the mind of Washington, had been fully 
refuted by his official efforts to negociate a treaty of com- 
merce with that republic; but the incapacity of Mr. Monroe, 
as a diplomatist, combined with his extravagant devotion to 
the French Directory, had operated to frustrate all the 
plans of Washington to succeed in any negociation for that 
object. To remove the obstacle supposed to exist in the 
person of that minister, he was accordingly superceded by 
Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, of South Carolina. 

As the election for President and Vice President drew 
near, Washington perceiving thathemight safely withdraw 
from the chair, announced his intention to the American 
people, in what has been called his Farewell Address, a 
paper so pre-eminent for the best lessons of political wis- 
dom, and so replete with maxims of liberty, that tend to 
cement the Union, and preserve the Republic entire, for 
endless generations — a paper, at the same time so distin- 
guished for its eloquence, and remarkable for its pure and 
lofty spirit of patriotism— that not to insert it here, ema- 
nating as it did immediately from the head and heart of its 
great author, would betray a want of judgment, as well as 
of patriotism, of which I would not willingly be supposed 
guilty; more especially, as it ought to be a subject of fre- 
quent perusal, and much study, to every American, of 
whatever age, or condition — that they may imprint on the 
memories of their children, the political testament of a man, 
who never thought but for his country's good — and who 
never felt but for his country's honour, and the rights, liber- 
ties, and happiness of the human race. 



158 THE LIFE OF 

OF GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Friends and Fellow Citizens, 

The period of a new election of a citizen to administer 
the executive government of the United States, being not 
far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your 
thoughts must be employed in designating the person who 
is to be clothed with that important trust; it appears to me 
proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct 
expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise 
you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being con- 
sidered among the number of those out of whom a choice is 
to be made. 

I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be 
assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without a 
strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the 
relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country: that, 
in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my 
situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of 
zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful 
respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full 
conviction that the step is compatible with both. 

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office 
to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a 
uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and 
to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I con- 
stantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my 
power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty 
to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had 
been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to 
do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the 
preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature 
reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our 
affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of 
persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon 
the idea. 

I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well 
as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination in- 
compatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety : and I 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 159 

am persuaded whatever partiality may be retained for my 
services, that in the present circumstances of our country, 
you will not disapprove of my determination to retire. 

The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous 
trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the dis- 
charge of this trust, I will only say, that I have with good 
intentions contributed towards the organisation and admi- 
nistration of the government, the best exertions of which a 
very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in 
the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience 
in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, 
has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself^ and 
every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me 
more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary 
to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circum- 
stances have given peculiar value to my services, they were 
temporary 5 I have the consolation to believe, that while 
choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, 
patriotism does not forbid it. 

In looking forward to the moment which is intended to 
terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not 
permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that 
debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for 
the many honours it has conferred upon me; still more for 
the stedfast confidence with which it has supported me^ and 
for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting 
my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and perse- 
vering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits 
have resulted to our country from these services, let it 
always be remembered to our praise, and as an instructive 
example in our annals, that under circumstances in which 
the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mis- 
lead amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of 
fortune often discouraging, — ^in situations in which not un- 
frequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of 
criticism; the constancy of your support was the essential 
prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans, by which 
they were eflfected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, 
I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement 
to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the 
choicest tokens of its beneficence, that your union and 
brotherly affections may be perpetual; that the free consti- 
tution, which is the work of your hands may be sacredly 



160 THE LIFE OF 

maintained; that its administration in every department 
may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the 
happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices 
of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preserva- 
tion, and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire 
to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the 
affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a 
stranger to it. 

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for 
your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the 
apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, 
on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn con- 
templation, and to recommend to your frequent review^ 
some sentiments, which are the results of much reflection, 
of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me 
all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. 
These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as jou 
can only feel in them the disinterested warnings of a parting 
friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias 
his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, 
your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and 
not dissimilar occasion. Interwoven as is the love of liberty 
with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of 
mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. 

The unity of government which constitutes you one peo- 
ple, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is amain 
pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support 
of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your 
prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. 
But, as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes and 
from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many 
artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction 
of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress 
against which the batteries of internal and external enemies 
will be most constantly and actively directed, it is of infi- 
nite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense 
value of your national Union, to your collective and indi- 
vidual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habi- 
tual and immovable attachment to it; accustoming your- 
selves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your 
political safety and prosperity, watching for its preservation 
with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may sug- 
gest even a suspicion, that it can in any event be abandoned; 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 161 

and, indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every 
attempt to alienate any part of our country from the rest, 
or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the 
various parts. 

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and in- 
terest. Citizens by birth, and by choice of a common country, 
that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The 
name of American, which belongs to you in your national 
capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism 
more than any appellation derived from local discrimina- 
tions. With slight shades of difference, you have the same 
religion, manners, habits and political principles. You 
have in a common cause fought and triumphed together^ 
the independence and liberty you possess are the work of 
joint councils, and joint eflforts, of common dangers, suffer- 
ings and successes. 

But these considerations, however powerfully they ad- 
dress themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed 
by those which apply more immediately to your interest. 
Here every portion of our country finds the most command- 
ing motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union 
of the whole. 

The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, 
protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds 
in the productions of the latter great additional resources 
of maritime and commercial enterprize, and precious ma- 
terials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same 
intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its 
agriculture and its commerce expand. Turning partly into 
its own channels the seamen of the north, it finds its parti- 
cular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes in 
different ways to nourish and increase the general mass of 
the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection 
of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. 
The East, in a like intercourse with the West, always finds, 
and in the progressive improvement of interior communica- 
tions by land and water, will more and more find a valuable 
vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or 
manufactures at home. The West derives from the East 
supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and what is 
perhaps of still greater consequence, it must, of necessity, 
owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its 
own productions to the weight, influence, and the future 
02 



162 THE LIFE OF 

maritime strength of the Union, directed by an indissoluble 
community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by 
which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether 
derived from its own separate strength or from an apostate 
and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be 
intrinsically precarious. 

While then every part of our country thus feels an im- 
mediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts com- 
bined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and 
efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably 
greater security from internal danger, a less frequent inter- 
ruption of their peace by foreign nations; and what is of 
inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemp- 
tion from those broils and wars between themselves, which 
so frequently assist neighbouring countries, not tied to- 
gether by the same government, which their own rivalships 
alone would be sufficient to produce; but which opposite 
foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues, would stimu- 
late and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the 
necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which 
under any form of government are inauspicious to liberty, 
and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to 
republican liberty; in this sense it is, that your Union ought 
to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that 
the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation 
of the other. These considerations speak a persuasive lan- 
guage to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit 
the continuance of the Union as a primary object of patriotic 
desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government 
can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. 
To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. 
We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the 
whole, with the auxiliary agency of government for the re- 
spective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the ex- 
periment. With these powerful and obvious motives to 
Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience 
shall not have demonstrated its impractibility, there will 
always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in 
any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bonds. 

In contemplating the causes which may disturb our 
Union, it occurs, as a matter of serious concern, that any 
ground should have been furnished for characterizing par- 
ties by geographical discriminations — Northern and South- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 163 

ern — Atlantic and AVestern; whence designing men may 
endeavour to excite a belief that there is a real diflference 
of local interests and views. One of the expedients of 
party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to 
misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You 
cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies 
and heart burnings which spring from those misrepresen- 
tations; they tend to render alien to each other those who 
ought to be bound by fraternal aftection. The inhabitants 
of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on 
this head; they have seen, in the negociation by the execu- 
tive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of 
the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisftiction at 
that event throughout the United States, a decisive proof 
how unfounded were suspicions propagated among them of 
a policy in the general government, and in the Atlantic 
States, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mis- 
sissippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two 
treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, 
which secure to them every thing they could desire, in 
respect to our foreign relations towards continuing their 
prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely, for the 
preservation of these advantages, on the Union, by which 
they were procured.? Will they not henceforth be deaf to 
these advisers, if such they are, who would sever them from 
their brethren, and connect them with aliens ? 

To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a govern- 
ment for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, how- 
ever strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute^ 
they must inevitably experience the infractions and inter- 
ruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. 
Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon 
your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of govern- 
ment better calculated than your former for an intimate 
Union, and for the efficacious management of your common 
concerns. This government, the offspring of our own 
choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full inves- 
tigation and mature deliberati';n, completely free in its 
principles in the distribution of its powers, uniting security 
with energy, and containing within itself a provision for 
its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence 
and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance 
w^ith its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties en- 



164 THE LIFE OF 

joined bj the fundamental maxims of true libery. The basis 
of our political systems is the right of the people to make, 
and to alter their constitutions which at any time exists, 
till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole 
people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. 

The very idea of the power and the right of the people 
to establish government, presupposes the duty of every in- 
dividual to obey tlie established government. All obstruc- 
tions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and 
associations, under whatever plausible character, with the 
real design to direct, control, counteract or awe the regular 
deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are 
destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal ten- 
dency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an ar- 
tificial and extraordinary force, to put in the place of the 
delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a 
small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; 
and according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, 
to make the public administrations the mirror of the ill 
concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than 
the organ of consistent wholesome plans digested by com- 
mon councils, and modified by mutual interest. 

However combinations or associations of the above de- 
scription may now and then answer popular ends, they are 
likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent 
engines, by which cunning, ambitious and unprincipled 
men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, 
and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; de- 
stroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted 
them to unjust dominion. 

Towards the preservation of your government, and the 
permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, 
not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppo- 
sitions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you re- 
sist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, 
however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may 
be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, alterations 
which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to 
undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the 
changes to which you may be invited, remember that time 
and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character 
of governments as of other human institutions; that experi- 
ence is the surest standard by which to test the real ten- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



165 



dency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility 
in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, 
exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of 
hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that for 
the efficient management of your common interests, in a 
country so extensive as ours, a government of as much 
vigour as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty, 
is indispensable. Liberty itself will find, in such a govern- 
ment, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its 
surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name 
where the government is too feeble to withstand the enter- 
prises of faction, to confine each member of the society 
within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain 
all in the secure and tranquil enjoyments of the rights of 
persons and property. 

I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in 
the State, with particular reference to the founding of them 
on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more 
comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn 
manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party 
general ly. 

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, 
having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. 
It exists under different shapes in all governments, more 
or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the 
popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly 
their worst enemy. 

The alternate domination of one faction over another, 
sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissen- 
tion, which in different ages and countries has perpetuated 
the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. 
But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent 
despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, gra- 
dually inclining the minds of men to seek security and re- 
pose in the absolute power of an individual: and sooner or 
later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or 
more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition 
to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public 
liberty. 

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, 
the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party 
are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise peo- 
ple to discourage and restrain it. 



166 



THE LIFE OF 



It serves always to distract the public counsels, and en- 
feeble the public administration. It agitates the community 
with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the 
animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally 
riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign in- 
fluence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to 
the government itself through the channels of party pas- 
sions. Thus the policy and will of one country are sub- 
jected to the policy and will of another. 

There is an opinion that parties, in free countries, are 
useful checks upon the administration of the government, 
and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within 
certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a 
monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, 
if not with favour, upon the spirit of party; but in those oif 
the popular character, and in government purely elective, it 
is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural ten- 
dency it is certain there will always be enough of that 
spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being con- 
stant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of 
public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it — a fire not to be 
quenched; it demands uniform vigilance to prevent its burst- 
ing into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should con- 
sume. 

It is important likewise that the habits of thinking in a 
free country should inspire caution in those entrusted with 
its administration to confine themselves within their respec- 
tive constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the 
powers of some department to encroach upon another. The 
spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of 
all departments in one, and thus to create, whatsoever are 
the forms of government, a real despotism. A just estimate 
of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which pre- 
dominates in human hearts, is sufficient to satisfy us of the 
truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks 
in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distri- 
buting it into different depositories, and constituting each 
to be the guardian of the public weal against invasion by 
the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and 
modern; some of them in our country, and under our own 
eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to insti- 
tute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution 
or modification of the constitutional powers be in any par« 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 167 

ticular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the 
way which the constitution designates: but let there be no 
change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may 
be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by 
which free governments are destroyed. The precedent 
must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any par- 
tial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. 
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political 
prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. 
In vain should that man claim the tribute of patriotism who 
should labour to subvert these great pillars of human hap- 
piness — these firmest props of the duties of men and citi- 
zens. The mere politician equally with the poorest man 
ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not 
trace all their connections with private and public felicity. 
Let it simply be asked where is the security for property, 
for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligations 
desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation 
in courts of justice.^ And let us with caution indulge the 
supposition, that morality can be maintained without reli- 
gion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined 
education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and expe- 
rience both forbid us to expect that national morality can 
prevail in exclusion of religious principle. 

It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a neces- 
sary spring of popular government. The rule indeed ex- 
tends with more or less force to every species of free go- 
vernment. Who 'that is a sincere friend to it can look 
with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of 
the fabric ^ 

Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, in- 
stitutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In pro- 
portion as the structure of a government gives force to 
public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be 
enlightened. 

As a very important source of strength and security, 

I cherish public credit; one method of securing it is to use 

. it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by 
cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely dis- 
bursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much 

i greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding, likewise, the 
accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of 

1 expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to dis- 



168 



THE LIFE OF 



charge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occa- 
sioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the bur- 
then which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of 
these maxims belongs to your representatives; but it is 
necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facili- 
tate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential 
that you siiould practically bear in mind, tliat towards the 
payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have re- 
venue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised 
which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; 
that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the se- 
lection of the proper objects ought to be a decisive motive 
for a candid construction of the conduct of government in 
making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures 
for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at 
any time dictate. 

Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; culti- 
vate peace and harmony with all: religion and morality en- 
join this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not 
equally enjoin its' It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, 
and at no very distant period, a powerful nation, to give to 
mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people 
always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who 
can doubt that, in the course of time, the fruits of such apian 
would richly repay any temporary advantages which might 
be felt by a steady adherence to it.^ Can it be, that provi- 
dence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation 
with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended 
by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas ! 
is it rendered impossible by its vices.^ 

In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential 
than that inveterate antipathies against particular nations, 
and passionate attachments for others, should be ex- 
cluded; and that in place of them, just and amicable feel- 
ings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which 
indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or a habitual 
fondness, is in some degree of a slave. It is a slave to its 
animosity, or to its affection; either of v/hich is sufficient to 
lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in 
one nation against another disposes each more readily to 
offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of um- 
brage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental 
or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence, frequent col- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 169 

lisions, obstinate, envenomed and bloody contests. The 
nation prompted by ill-will and resentment sometimes im- 
pels to war the government contrary to the best calculations 
of policy. The government sometimes participates in the 
national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason 
would reject^ at other times it makes the animosity of the 
nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by 
pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. 
The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty of nations, 
has been the victim. So, likewise, a passionate attachment of 
ohe nation for another, produces a variety of evils. Sympa- 
thy for the favourite nation, facilitating the illusion of an 
imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common 
interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the 
other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels 
and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or 
justification. 

It leads also to concessions to the favourite nation of 
privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure 
the nation making the concessions, by unnecessarily parting 
with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting 
jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate in the par- 
ties from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives 
to ambitious, corrupted or deluded citizens facility to be- 
tray or sacrifice the interests of their own country without 
odium, sometimes even with popularity, gilding with the 
appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, or a laudable 
zeal for public good, the foolish compliances of ambition, 
corruption, or infatuation. 

As avenues to foreign influence, in innumerable ways, 
such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly 
enlightened and independent patriot. How many oppor- 
tunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, 
to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, 
to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attach- 
ment of a small or weak towards a great and powerful na- 
tion, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. 

Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive 
dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see 
danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even to 
second the arts and influence of the other. Real patriots, 
who may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to 
become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes 



170 THE LIFE OF 

usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender 
their interests. 

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign na- 
tions, is in extending our commercial relations, to have with 
them as little political connexion as possible. So far as we 
have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with 
perfect good faith. Here let us stop. 

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have 
none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be en- 
gaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are 
essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it 
must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties, 
in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary 
combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. 

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us 
to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, 
under an efficient government, the period is not far off when 
we may defy material injury from external annoyance^ when 
we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality 
we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously re- 
spected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility 
of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the 
giving us provocation — when we may choose peace or war, 
as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. 

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? 
Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground.^ Why 
by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, 
entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European 
ambition, rivalship, interest, humour, or caprice ? 

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances 
with any portion of the foreign world, so far I mean as we 
are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as 
capable of patronising infidelity to existing engagements. 
I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private 
affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, 
therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genu- 
ine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and 
would be unwise to extend them. 

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable esta- 
blishments, in a respectable defensive posture, we may 
safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emer- 
gencies. 

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are re- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 171 

commended by policy, humanity, and interest. But, even 
our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial 
hand; neither seeking or granting exclusive favours or pre- 
ferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing 
and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, 
but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, 
in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights 
of our merchants, and to enable the government to support 
them; conventional rules of intercourse, the best that pre- 
sent circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but 
temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or 
varied, as experience or circumstances shall dictate; con- 
stantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look 
for disinterested favours from another; that it must pay with 
a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept 
under that character; that by such acceptance, it may place 
itself in the condition of having given equivalents for no- 
minal favour, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude 
for not giving more. There can be no greater error than 
to expect, or calculate, upon real favours from nation to 
nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which 
a just pride ought to discard. 

In offering to my countrymen, these counsels of an old 
and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the 
strong and lasting impression I could wish — that they w411 
control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our 
nation from running the course which has hitherto marked 
the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself 
that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some 
occasional good, that they may now and then recur to mo- 
derate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs 
of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pre- 
tended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for 
the solicitude of your welfare, by which they have been 
dictated. 

How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been 
guided by the principles which have been delineated, the 
public records and the other evidences of my conduct must 
witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of 
my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself 
to be guided by them. 

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my pro- 
clamation of the ^2d of April, 1793, is the index to my 



172 THE LIFE OF 

plan. Sanctioned bj your approving voice, and by that of 
your representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit 
of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced 
by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. 

After deliberate examination with tlie aid of the best 
lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, 
under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, 
and was bound in duty and interest, to take a neutral posi- 
tion. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should de- 
pend upon me, to maintain it, witli moderation, perseverance 
and firmness. The considerations which respect the right 
to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to 
detail. I will only observe, that according to my under- 
standing of the matter, tliat right, so far from being denied 
by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually ad- 
mitted by all. The duty of holding a neutral conduct may 
be inferred, without any thing more from the obligation 
w^iich justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases 
in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations 
of peace and amity towards other nations. 

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct 
will be referred to your own reflections and experience. 
AVith me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to 
gain time to our country to settle and mature its recent in- 
stitutions, and to progress without interruption, to that 
degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to 
give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes. 

Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, 
I am unconscious of intentional error; I am, nevertheless, 
too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I 
may have committed many errors. Whatever they may 
be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate 
the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with 
me the hope, that my country will never cease to view 
them with indulgence; and that, after forty -five years of my 
life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults 
of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as 
myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. 

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and 
actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural 
to a man who views it in the native soil of himself and his 
progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleas- 
ing expectation, that retreat, in which I promise myself to 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. IfS 

realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in 
the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of 
good laws under a free government — the ever favourite 
object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our 
mutual cares, labours and dangers. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
United States, 17th September, 1796. 

In all quarters of the Union, this Address was received 
with profound veneration and respect for its author, and a 
deep conviction of the truth and preciousness of the solemn 
lessons it contained. The people bowed with reverence to 
the precepts of patriotism, which fell from the venerated 
lips of the mighty man, whose genius and virtue had con- 
ducted them through such tempests and perils, to their pre- 
sent freedom and felicity. Several of the State Legislatures 
passed resolutions to have it transcribed on their journals; 
and nearly all adopted resolutions, declaring their respect 
for his person, their exalted sense of his public services, and 
the deep emotion with which they beheld his retirement 
from public life. 

The period of his political cares now rapidly approached^ 
and on the 7th of December, 1796, Washington for the last 
time, met the national legislature in the Senate chamber, to 
deliver liis final speech on the affairs of the country; and 
here, he exceeded all his antecedent addresses, in the com- 
prehensive reach of mind, and condensation of political 
wisdom which it exhibited. After enumerating and com- 
menting on the prominent events of his administration for 
the past year, he digressed to the recommendation of a com- 
petent Naval establishment; the erection of National 
Works for the manufacture of the necessary munitions of 
war; for a National Institute of Agriculture; for a 
Military Academy; for a National University; and an 
increase of compensation to the officers of government. As 
usual, his exposition of the foreign relations of the country 
was lucid and patriotic; while his view of its internal pros- 
perity was perspicuous, animated and cheering. 

The Senate adopted an answer to the speech, replete with 
sentiments of aff*ection and gratitude towards the veteran 
chief, and expressive of their regret at his retirement from 
the Presidential chair. 

In the House of Representatives, however, a similar spirit 
P 9. 



17'4 THE LIFE OF 

of patriotism and liberality did not universally prevail. 
Faction had there reared its snaky frontj and malice, pas- 
sion and hatred had been, in a great measure, substituted 
for the pure spirit of American patriotism. Mr. Giles, 
cursed by nature with the unquiet spirit of eternal opposi- 
tion, vented his gall in slander, and satiated his malignity 
by his aspersions on the character of Washington. With 
an audacity only equalled by his disregard of truth, and a 
malignityof heart, which found no parallel but in his perver- 
sity of understanding, that gentleman said, " he was one of 
those citizens who did not regret the President's retiring 
from office. He hoped he would retire to his country seat, 
and enjoy all the happiness he could wish; and he believed 
he would enjoy more there than in his present situation. 
He believed the government of the United States would go 
on without him. The people were competent to their own 
government. What calamities would attend the United 
States, if one man alone was essential to their govern- 
ment. ^ He believed there were a thousand men in the 
United States, who were capable of filling the Presiden- 
tial chair as well as it had been filled heretofore. And 
although a clamour had been raised in all parts of tlie 
United States, more or less from apprehensions on the depar- 
ture of tlie President from office, yet, not feeling these ap- 
prehensions himself, he was perfectly easy on the occasion. 
He wished the President as much happiness as any man, 
&c.'' — i'but for his part, he retained the same opinions he 
had always done with respect to his measures, nor should 
any influence under heaven prevent him from expressing 
that opinion — an opinion in which he was confident, ere 
lon^, all America ivould concur. "* 

The address, to which Mr. Giles made his ineffectual 
opposition, was carried by an overwhelming majority, and 
contained the following beautiful and appropriate passages 

* Mr. Giles lived to see the folly of this prediction; for, at the 
time of his death, every measure of Washing-ton had been fuU}^ adopt- 
ed by those who opposed them in 1796. The federal pohcy became 
the democratic policy, even down to the navy and the bank; and 
Mr. Giles was left a solitary monument of consistent obstinacy, at 
war with all parties, and himself denounced by all America. Mr. 
Madison and Mr, Monroe, more wise, became converts to a policy 
which could not be chang-ed without plung-ing- the country in ruip, 
and subjecting- it to insult and dishonour. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 175 

— '*The spectacle of a free and enlightened nation offer- 
ing, by its representatives, the tribute of unfeigned appro- 
bation to its tirst citizen, however novel and interesting it 
may be, derives all its lustre (a lustre which accident or 
enthusiasm could not bestow, and which adulation would 
tarnish) from the transcendant merit of which it is the vo- 
luntary testimony. " 

"May you long enjoy that liberty which is so dear to you, 
and to which your name will ever be so dearj may your 
own virtue, and a nation's prayers, obtain the happiest sun- 
shine for the decline of your days, and the choicest of fu- 
ture blessings. For our country's sake; for the sake of re- 
publican liberty, it is our earnest wish that your example 
may be the guide of your successors; and thus, after being 
the ornament and safeguard of the present, become the 
patrimony of our descendants." This address was carried 
by nearly a unanimous vote^ three members only voting in 
the negative ! 

Washington beheld his return to private life with those 
heartfelt emotions of sincere pleasure, which delight '•''the 
wearied traveller who sees a resting place, and is bending 
his body to lean thereon.^^ 

He remained in Philadelphia, after the expiration of his 
term of office, only long enough to attend the inau guration 
of John Ada]ms,«5 President, dnd Thomas Jefferson, as 
Vice-President of the United States. 

The merchants of Philadelphia, fully qualified to appre- 
ciate the genius, and reverence the virtues and patriotism 
of Washington, could not consent to part with the father 
of his country, without some signal testimony of their gra- 
titude and admiration; which, more or less, extended to 
every class of life. For this purpose, they prepared a mag- 
nificent banquet, to which Washington was invited, together 
with many officers of high rank in the late army, the heads 
of departments, foreign ministers and persons of distinction. 

Upon entering the area of the Rotundo, the general was 
conducted to his seat; and, a signal being given, the music 
struck up Washington's March, while a curtain scene, 
which represented simple objects in the rear of the princi- 
pal seat, was drawn up and discovered an emblematical 
painting of his retirement from office. Tlie principal figure 
was that of a female, as large as life, representing America, 
seated on an elevation of sixteen marble steps, Oji her left 



176 THE LIFE OF 

hand reposed the federal shield, sustained bj an eagle, and 
at her feet laj the cornucopiae. In her right hand she held 
the Indian calumet of peace, supporting the cap of liberty; 
while in the perspective rose the temple of fame; and on 
her left stood an altar consecrated to public gratitude, 
upon which incense was burning. In her left hand she held 
a scroll, inscribed ' valedicto?^,^ and at the foot of the 
altar lay r plumed helmet and sword, from which a figure of 
Washington, as large as life, appeared retiring down the 
steps, pointing with his right hand to the emblems of power 
which he had resigned, and witli his left to a beautiful land- 
scape of Mount Vernon, in front of which appeared oxen 
yoked to the plough. Over the seat of Washington, a 
figure of genius, descending from the clouds, appeared 
placing a wreath of laurel on liis head. 

No sooner was his successor installed into office, than 
Washington hastened towards his favourite retreat of Mount 
Vernon: but all his efforts to render his journey private 
proved unavailing; and the country tlirough which he pass- 
ed was thronged with grateful citizens, eager to express 
their veneration and attachment to the man, who, uniting 
virtue with greatness, shone brighter in the declining hours 
of his authority, than the sun that rose to gild the chair 
which he had voluntarily resigned; and the splendour of 
whose real glory has been hourly augmenting from the day 
of his retirement to the present time. While in power, 
ambition envied his greatness, without being able to per- 
ceive that adventitious circumstances did not create it; and 
malignant faction aspersed his motives, without being able 
to discern or appreciate his patriotism. 

It has been remarked, as a singular fact in the life of 
Washington, that though the most popular of all men who 
ever did, or can occupy the presidential chair, yet that 
scarcely any prominent measure of his administration has 
escaped the venom of party invective, or the unsparing de- 
nunciation of malignant criticism; the cause of which is to 
be found in his patriotism, which refused to compromise 
his country; and in his genius, which could carry into suc- 
cessful execution the indistinct outlines of a vast and com- 
plicated emp're, the boundaries of whose powers were 
tlefined by an instrument open to every variety of construc- 
tion; and, to pronounce on the violation of whose powers, 
no tribunal had been understandingly erected. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. I7f 

At Mount Vernon his time was now devoted to agricul- 
tural pursuits, and the duties of an extensive correspon- 
dence 5 fogetlier with that influx of social intercourse, which 
his past greatness, and ever enduring virtues, poured upon 
him; so that with the improvements of a somewhat neglected 
estate, the society of men and the allurements of books, 
added to the pleasing duties of a diftusive correspondence, 
every hour glided away with the calm delight of rational 
employment and philosophic dignity, yet with a heart not 
narrowed in the sphere of its action, and a mind still acute- 
ly alive to the honour, interest, freedom and prosperity of 
his country. 

It was scarcely within the compass of human reason, how- 
ever, that Washington should not entertain a lively sensi- 
bility for the progress of those political events, connected 
with the operations of that stupendous machine of govern- 
ment, which his genius had set in motion, and that policy 
of its administration which his wisdom and virtue had de- 
vised, as the polar star of its safety and honour. Warmly 
attached to the system he had pursued, he looked to its 
preservation with the fond solicitude of parental love, 
which all his efforts to abstract himself from political affairs, 
could not restrain or overcome. Still there was a struggle 
in his mind between the love of retirement, and his habitual 
propensity to watch over the welfare of his country, which 
is well depicted in the following extract from one of his let- 
ters — "I have confidence, however, in that providence 
which has shielded the United States from the evils that 
have hitherto threatened them; and as I believe the major 
part of the people of this country to be well aff"ected to its 
constitution and government, I rest satisfied that, should a 
crisis ever arrive to call forth the sense of the community, 
it will be strong in support of the honour and dignity of 
the nation. Therefore, however much I regret the oppo- 
sition, which has for its object the embarrassment of the ad- 
ministration, I shall view things in the calm light of mild 
philosophy, and endeavour to finish my course in retirement 
and ease. " 

But the insulting and degrading conduct of France, first 
towards our minister. General Pinckney, then towards our 
three envoys, and afterwards to our flag and property — 
coupled with the insolent demand that '* France wants 
money and must have it;^^ and that without money she 



178 " THE LIFE OF 

would declare war against us; having at last provoked hos- 
tilities witii that republic — Washington was appointed to 
the command of the armies of the United States, in July, 
1798, which he very reluctantly accepted, under the con- 
viction that his duty to his country would not permit him 
to decline a commission, which a deep sense of the danger 
of the crisis had been the motive for conferring on him. He 
now directed all his attention to the organization of the 
army; though convinced himself that France would never 
have the madness to attempt an invasion. 

On Friday^ the 13th December, 1799, while superintend- 
ing some alterations and improvements on his estate, ex- 
posed to a drizzling rain, which saturated his hair, and 
wet his neck, he received the malady, which in a short 
period terminated his existence. Disregarding his being 
wet, as a slight inconvenience, he passed the day in his 
usual manner, free from all apprehension of danger; biit 
during the night he was seized with a violent inflammation 
of the windpipe, attended with ague, great pain in the upper 
and fore part of the throat, a cough, difliculty of breathing 
and considerable fever. He immediately lost fourteen 
ounces of blood, but would not permit any of the domestics 
to be disturbed, that they might be despatched for a phy- 
sician, until day -break. Doctor Craik arrived at 11, and 
immediately requested a consultation. But the resources 
of art were exhausted in vain. His vital powers were fast 
sinking beneath the force of his malady; his speech became 
difficult, and his respiration obstructed more and more. In 
this manner the vital functions seemed to be rapidly de- 
parting; and on Saturday mg\\t, at half past 11 o'clock, he 
expired, in the full possession of his intellectual faculties, 
and without a struggle or a groan. 

Labouring under the presentiment, from the beginning, 
that his disease would prove mortal, he perhaps uncon- 
sciously assisted to aid its ravages, by the great reluctance 
with which he submitted to the remedies prescribed for its 
cure. This impression, however, was too serious to be 
eradicated; and a few hours before he died, he with diffi- 
culty made himself understood, when he expressed a wish 
to die without being further troubled. As soon as he was 
attacked, and found it impossible to swallow, he concluded 
all hope of recovery vain; and, undressing himself, went to 
bed, to conclude his mortal career. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 179 

To Doctor Craik, who added the kindness of a friend to 
the skill of a physician, he said with difficulty, as his head 
reposed on the lap of the doctor, who sat on his bed, 
' Doctor, I am dying, and have been dying for a long time, 
but I am not afraid to die.' 

Thus, with the serenity of a saint, and the composure of 
a philosopher, expired, in his sixty-seventh year, the purest 
man, and most disinterested patriot, who had ever founded 
an empire, and exercised the supreme authority of a nation. 

As sudden as it was afflicting, the intelligence of his 
death struck the public mind with a palsy of grief, which 
every moment spread wider, and sunk deeper into the 
hearts of the community. At a distance, the news of his 
death preceded the intelligence of his illness; so quick had 
been the ravages of his disease; and as the dismay was en- 
hanced, from the minds of men not being prepared for the 
catastrophe, a general gloom overspread the country. The 
two Houses of Congress immediately adjourned on the re- 
ceipt of the intelligence. On the succeeding day, a mem- 
ber of the House addressed to the chair the folio win^^ just 
and beautiful eulogy, as introductory to three resolutions.* 
*'The melancholy event which was yesterday announced 
with doubt, has been rendered but too certain. Our 
Washington is no more ! The hero, the patriot, and the 
sage of America — tlie man on whom, in times of danger, 
every eye was turned, and all hopes were placed, lives now 
only in his own great actions, and in the hearts of an affec- 
tionate and afflicted people. 

'' If, Sir, it had not been usual openly to testify respect 
for the memory of those whom heaven has selected as its 
instruments for dispensing good to man, yet, such has been 
the uncommon worth and such the extraordinary incidents 
which may have marked the life of him whose loss we all 
deplore, that the whole American nation, impelled by the 

* *' Resolved, That this House will wait on the President in con- 
dolence of this mournful event. 

'* Resolved, That the Speaker's chair be shrouded with black, 
and that the members and officers of the liouse wear black during 
the Session. 

"Resolved, That a Committee, in conjunction with one from the 
Senate, be appointed to consider on the most suitable manner of pay- 
ing- honour to the memory of the max, first ix wau, pibst ix 

PEACE, and FIRST IN THE HEABTS OF HIS FELLOW CITIZEN'S." 



180 THE LIFE OF 

same feelings, would call, with one voice, for a public ma- 
nifestation of that sorrow which is so deep and universal. 

"More than any other individual, and as much as to 
one individual was possible, has he contributed to found 
this our wide spreading empire, and to give to the Western 
World Independence and Freedom. 

'' Having effected the great object for wliich he was placed 
at the head of our armies, we have seen him convert the 
sword into the ploughshare, and sink the soldier into the 
citizen. 

*' When the debility of our federal system had become 
manifest, and the bonds which connected this vast conti- 
nent were dissolving, we have seen him the chief of those 
patriots who formed for us a constitution which, by pre- 
serving the Union, will, I trust, substantiate and perpetuate 
those blessings which our revolution had promised to bestow. 

" In obedience to the general voice of his country calling 
him to preside over a great people, we have seen him once 
more quit the retirement he loved, and in a season more 
stormy and tempestuous than war itself, with calm and wise 
determination pursue the true interests of the nation, and 
contribute, more than any other could contribute, to the 
establishment of that system of policy, which will, I trust, 
yet preserve our peace, our honour and our independence. 

" Having been twice unanimously chosen the chief magis- 
trate of a free people, we have seen him, at a time when his 
re-election, with universal suff'rage, could not be doubted, 
afford to the world a rare instance of moderation, by with- 
drawing from his high station to the peaceful walks of pri- 
vate life. 

"However the public confidence may change, and the 
public aff*ections fluctuate with respect to others, with re- 
spect to him, they have, in war and in peace, in public and 
private life, been as steady as his own firm mind, and as con- 
stant as his own exalted virtues." 

It would fill a volume to allude to, much less detail all 
the public testimonials of grief, reverence and affection, 
which attended the funeral obsequies of this illustrious man. 

The person, manners and temper of Washington, must 
always excite the aff*ectionate curiosity of coming ages, to 
the end of time. He was above the middle size, tall, robust 
and vigorous — formed to endure great fatigue, and from an 
exuberance of vitality requiring much exercise to preserve 



GEORGE AVASHINGTON. 181 

health; yet, though robust, his form was graceful aud 
dignified. 

In his manners, he was inclined to be reserved and dry, 
yet neither stern nor haughty; but this disposition he re- 
laxed to cheerfulness and sociability, amidst the charms of 
conversation, or the finer pleasures of select society; still, 
however, preserving that dignity, which seemed to attach 
to his deportment rather as an attribute of mind, than a 
carriage of his person* 

His temper was naturally quick; but vigilance and disci- 
pline had taught him to correct its impetuosity, and restrain 
its ebullitions. His heart was benevolent, humane and 
afiiectionate; and if he was prone to be easily offended, he 
was also remarkable for a forgiving and conciliating temper, 
which never permitted resentment to rankle into revenge, 
or fester into hatred; for, it passed over his heart like the 
glow from his cheek — a momentary flush, and all was calm 
again. Indeed, every lineament of his countenance shone 
with magnanimity, and beamed with the true lustre of heroic 
virtue; mirroring a heart free from every spot, which the 
evil passions imprint on the wicked. 

In his personal economy he was prudent, yet at the same 
time liberal. Cautious of all visionary schemes, and guarded 
against prodigal experiments; when he knew the purpose to 
be useful, his bounty was as ample as his means. By this 
judicious husbandry, his private fortune was always adequate 
to his extensive hospitality; for never having impaired his 
estate, through neglect, extravagance, or pride; by costly 
display, or vain magnificence; he could practise the art of 
bountiful entertainment, without committing the error of 
luxurious ruin. 

The cast of his mind was to deep meditation, and solid 
sense. Wit, he never made pretensions to: the point 
which sparkles, and the flash that fascinates, to dazzle the 
fancy while it beguiles the judo;ment, were alike alien to the 
heroic gravity of his mind; which, though abundantly gifted 
with genius, seems to have been too colossal and lofty for 
the glare and brilliancy of imagination. 

He was naturally prone to be serious, and the usual habit 
of his mind was sober reflection. He seldom smiled, never 
indulged in laughter, and rarely relaxed to the familiarit,y 
of common social intercourse; habit having strengthened his 
constitutional propensity to abstraction, to the contempla- 

Q 



182 THE LIFE OF 

tion of vast enterprises, beneficial measures or useful 
schemes. 

In his moral habits, he was virtuous and pure, chaste and 
discreet: no imputation of private vice ever having dimned 
the true lustre of his greatness. 

Free from the revengeful passions, he was equally exalted 
above the false ideas of honour: he was never known to 
slioot an enemy in a duel, or assassinate a foe in a brawl j 
being equally a stranger to the gaming table, the cock-pit, 
and the race ground. 

In his religion he was a sincere Christian; but neither 
professed great sanctity, nor put on the exterior of rigid 
piety, content to discharge his duty to man, and to adore 
God in his heart. Mr. Jefferson has attempted to make 
him a dissenter from the Christian creed 5 but this is an 
errorj the testimony to prove his religion being too con- 
clusive to admit a doubt. It is true, that he neither encou- 
raged priests nor priestcraft; but it is equally true, that 
his sense of religion was profound, and his piety warm and 
unaffected. 

He had a peculiar aversion to sitting for his portrait, and 
of course suffered much vexation from the importunity of 
artists: but Gilbert Stuart, having arrived from England 
with a letter of introduction from Mr. Jay to Washington, 
an acquaintance with that eminent artist ensued? and 
Stuart having been fortunate enough to win his confidence 
and esteem, he painted his first portrait of him. This was 
in 1794. But the artist not being satisfied with this attempt 
destroyed it; and Washington having consented to another 
sitting, Stuart contrived to excite those emotions of the 
great mind of his subject, which would throv/ the best ex- 
pression into his countenance. It is said, that such was the 
impression of awe, produced by Washington on the artist, 
that he lost his self-possession at the first sitting; although 
Stuart had long been familiar with the society of the first 
noblemen of Europe: but he had not yet beheld the noble- 
man of nature — the great and good man, whose greatness of 
soul beamed in a visage unequalled for its grandeur and 
purity. This second portrait is represented as the most 
faithful ever painted; and was purchased of the widow of 
Stuart by the Boston Atheneum^ for one thousand dollars. 
A portrait from this standard picture, by Durand, is now in 
process of engraving, and will soon be furnished to the 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



public. Stuart resided at Germantown, at the period that 
he painted the portrait of the great American^ and the Ge- 
neral rode out to sit to him; on one of which occasions, the 
painter made him the following jocular compliment: "Ge- 
neral, I have always felt much indebted to you for your 
kindness; but my greatest obligation to you is, that you 
never attempted to paint portraits; for you have had such 
perfect success in all you have undertaken, that if you had 
been a painter I should have had no hopes." 

Such was George Washington; a man, who, made 
great by nature, and still greater by virtue; self-educated, 
and depending more on the suggestions of genius than the 
lessons of science and the precepts of learning, for his pre- 
eminent success in life, presents us with a model of human 
perfection, which, combining simple grandeur with unaf- 
fected modesty, has never been equalled by the possessors 
of supreme authority. 

In reviewing with the cool and impartial eye of criticism, 
the waole range of history, ancient and modern, we meet 
with no character that can aspire to equal, in all the points 
of true greatness that of George Washington. Some, it is 
true, are more splendid and dazzling; others more distin- 
guished for daring enterprise; and others again, more bril- 
liant and illustrious, on account of their profound learning, 
varied acquirements, glittering eloquence, or commanding 
and exalted ambition, reckless of consequences, and intent 
solely upon renown. Indeed, in isolated and detached fea- 
tures of character, he had innumerable superiors; but, in the 
grand ivhole, of what constitutes true glory, and makes a 
hero, without making a villain, Washington had no equal, 
but stands alone a monument of the beneficence of Heaven 
in its creation of a great man, whose greatness was combined 
with virtue, and whose never fading lustre was untarnished 
by one vice— -undimned by one crime. Fallible, it is true, 
he was; but it was the fallibility of great and well poised 
genius, which so rarely erred, that men of less exalted na- 
tures looked upon him as a standard of perfection, and not 
without reason; for time and experience put the great seal of 
wisdom on his deeds, and those most opposed eventually 
yielded to him their approbation and applause; as if he pos- 
sessed the faculty of penetrating beyond the mist of human 
passions around him, to discern the truth which lay unob- 
scured to his eye, in the brightness of the future; and of 



184 THE LIFE OF 

shaking off from his mind all those living prejudices which, 
like devouring insects, prey upon the reason of man, de- 
facing his intellect, obscuring his judgment, and debasing 
liis moral to the grossness of his physical nature. 

We recognise in Washington, the three great characters 
of a warrior, a statesman, and a legislator. As a general, 
he was cool, skilful, inventive, and, mixing intrepidity with 
prudence, he exhibited that happy concord of qualities which 
could dash on to achieve victory, or with cautious prudence 
stand aloof from battle, or effect a secure retreat. Rather 
passive than active in his mind, more disposed to wait for 
the event, and resist it, than to anticipate it, and miscarry 
by false calculation, the defective nature of his militmy 
^naterial, confirmed him in the habit of this propensity. 
Gifted with foresight and penetration, he was never taken 
by surprise; and fertile in expedients, he never suffered him- 
self to sink under the difficulties that surrounded him. His 
military genius, however, cannot fairly be appreciated by 
his ini/itaty practice. His letters breathe the fiery spirit of 
the curbed war-l\orse, chafing for action, but restrained by 
prudence: and having wisdom enough to bend to circum- 
stances, instead of rushing, with reckless and headlonj^ 
rashness, upon measures pregnant equally with glory, witli 
ruin and defeat. It was a great quality of his mind, to 
know the exact measure of his strength, and to have pru- 
dence not to risk that strength in dubious conflicts, where 
defeat would have amounted to extirpation, and even vic- 
tory might have involved ruin. There was wisdom, there- 
fore, blended with his valour; and prudence with his skill 
and address — qualities which, though not so brilliant as im- 
petuosity and daring, yet were more useful to his country,, 
and more beneficial to mankind. 

As a statesman, Washington discarded theory for pi-ac- 
tice, and preferred experience to speculation. He was a self- 
formed politician, made by circumstances, observation and 
practice; not fashioned by books in the solitude of the closet, 
but created by contact with mankind, and having for his 
object the happiness of society, instead of the vanity or pas- 
sions of one portion only of that great family, whose hap- 
piness he was destined to promote. 

He was a republican, on the broad principles of equal 
rights and public virtue: advocating rational liberty under 
the sanction and guarantee of wholesome laws, whose effi- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 185 

cacy should equally protect virtue, industry and order, from 
lawless violence, licentious laxity, or disorganising freedom. 
His political principles are to be discerned in the constitu- 
tion of the United States; where liberty, reduced into system, 
breathes nothing but benevolence and love, law and order j 
and which has extorted the admiration and applause of all 
mankind, who favour the equal rights of man, in the pursuit 
and enjoyment of happiness. 

In his transactions with foreign nations, as well as in his 
intercourse with his fellow citizens, his maxim was that of 
trutk, sincerity and frankness. Without making ostenta- 
tious prof essions of his honesty, he was never known to have 
been guilty of duplicity, deceit, or equivocation. Truth 
was the god of his idolatry; and from native dignity of soul, 
as well as from an eiilightened selfishness, he always held 
and acted on the principle of honesty being the best policy, 

I shall conclude this brief outline of the life of Washing- 
ton, by quoting the portrait of his character drawn by the 
pen of Thomas Jefferson, which, as it cannot be supposed 
to flatter, must be estimated as rigidly faithful on the side 
of his defects, and sparingly just to his undeniable merits. 
Mr. Jefferson says: "I think I knew the General intimately 
and thoroughly; and were I called on to delineate his cha- 
racter, it should be in terms like these:" 

" His mind was great and powerful, without being of the 
very first order; his penetration strong, though not so acute 
as that of a Newton, Bacon, or Locke; and as far as he saw, 
no judgment was ever sounder. It was slow in operation, 
being little aided by invention, or imagination, but sure in 
conclusion. Hence the common remark of his ofl&cers, of 
the advantage he derived from councils of war, where hear- 
ing all suggestions, he selected whatever was best; and cer- 
tainly no general ever planned his battles more judiciously. 
But if deranged during the course of the action, if any mem- 
ber of his plan was dislocated by sudden circumstances, h^ 
was slow in a readjustment. The consequence was, that 
he often failed in the field, and rarely against an enemy in 
station, as at Boston and York. He was incapable of fear, 
meeting personal dangers with the calmest unconcern. 
Perhaps the strongest feature in his character was prudence, 
never acting until every circumstance, every consideration, 
was maturely weighed; refraining if he saw a doubt, but, 
when once decided, going through with his purpose what- 
Q2 



186 THE LIFE OF 

ever obstacles opposed. His integrity was most pure; his 
justice the most inflexible I have ever known; no motive of 
interest, or consanguinity, of friendship, or hatred, being 
able to iaias his decision. He was, indeed, in every sense 
of the words, a wise, a good, and a great man. His temper 
was naturally irritable and high toned; but reflection and 
resolution had obtained a firm and habitual ascendancy over 
it. If ever, however, it broke its bonds, he was most tre- 
mendous in his wrath. In his expenses he was honourable, 
but exact; liberal in contributions to whatever promised 
utility; but frowning and unyielding on all visionary •pro- 
jects and all unworthy calls on his charity. His heart was 
not warm in its aifections; but he exactly calculated every 
man's value, and gave him a solid esteem proportioned to 
it. His person, you know, was fine, his stature exactly 
what one would wish, his deportment easy, erect and noble; 
the best horseman of his age, and tlie most graceful figure 
that could be seen on horseback. Although, in the circle 
of liis friends, where he might be unreserved with safety, 
he took a free share in conversation; his colloquial talents, 
were not above mediocrity, possessing neither copiousness 
of ideas, nor fluency of words. In public, when called on 
for a sudden opinion, he was unready, short and embar- 
rassed; yet he wrote readily, rather diffusely, in an easy 
and correct style. This he had acquired by conversation 
with the world; for his education was merely reading, writ- 
ing and common arithmetic, to which he added surveying 
at a later day. His time was employed in action chiefly, 
reading little, and that only in agriculture and English his- 
tory. His correspondence became necessarily extensive, 
and, with journalising his agricultural proceedings, occu- 
pied most of his leisure hours within doors. On the whole, 
his character was, in its mass perfect, in nothing bad, in 
few points indifferent; and it may truly be said, that never 
did nature and fortune combine more perfectly to make a 
man great, and to place him in the same constellation with 
whatever worthies have merited from man our everlasting 
remembrance. For his was the singular destiny and merit 
of leading the armies of his country successfully through an 
arduous war, for the establishment of its independence; of 
conducting its counsels through the birth of a government, 
new in its forms and principles, until it had settled down 
into a quiet and orderly train; and of scrupulously obeying 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 187 

the laws through the whole of his career, civil and military, 
of which the history of the world furnishes no other 
example." 

Too great to study the art, or practice the meanness of 
adventitious fame, he never devised any measure for effect^ 
or planned means by which to captivate the popular mind 
by shallow devices. Intrinsically powerful, he disdained 
the little arts by which pretenders to greatness attempt to 
catch the plaudits of the credulous ignorant, who are so 
often deceived by the professions of the demagogue, and 
imposed on by the sli ght- hand a.droitness of the mountebank. 

It was this conscious integrity of soul that made him sen- 
sibly alive to the defamation of the public press, which an- 
noyed him beyond all proportion to its importance; and 
which, had he been able to view his own greatness and 
purity in its true light, as it struck the public, he would 
have disregarded in silent contempt, as too feeble and ma- 
lignant to excite a painful feeling; however it might have 
been pointed by the malignity of Callender, the hatred of 
Bache, the ferocity of Duane, or the licentiousness of 
Freneati. 

As such, it is scarcely within the boundaries of human 
possibility, that the world will ever again behold his paral- 
lel; and it is almost reduced to certainty, that no American 
will ever arise to extort an equal degree of our veneration, 
j^ratitude and love. 



END OF THE LIFE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON, 






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THE 

mEwm 

OF 

THOMAS JEFFERSOW^. 



Virginia, the illustrious mother of the brightest, gems of 
our revolutionary era, gave birth to Thomas Jefferson. 

In the character of this extraordinary man, as well as in 
the events of his life, we are presented with a combination 
of philosophical attainments, and political talents, of be- 
nevolent feelings, and ambitious aspirations, rarely found 
united in the same individual, and still more rarely result- 
ing in that brilliancy of renown, and extensive popular vene- 
ration, Avhich covers his name with an immortality as bright 
as the truths of science, and as imperishable as the liberties 
of mankind. 

There is something so peculiarly attractive in the biography 
of an obscure youth of the American forest, gradually rising 
on our view, and enlarging each day in his dimensions, until, 
with herculean vigour, he shook to fragments the mighty pil- 
lars of the British constitution, causing the throne to tremble, 
and the brightest jewel in the diadem of the British king 
to fall from his brow: there is something in the achieve- 
ment, at once so simple in its progress and yet so sublime 
in its effects, as to cause an involuntary emotion of aston- 
ishment at the daring of the attempt, as well as the power 
required for its performance; and we feel tempted almost 
to doubt, as too romantic for belief, what we recognise as 
the truth of history, and bow to as the consecrated gift of 
inspired and creative genius. In proportion as our admi- 
ration is excited, by achievements so extraordinary and 
singular, do we feel our curiosity awakened, to enquire by 
what means deeds so vast were accomplished; and to be- 



190 THE LIFE OF 

come more intimately acquainted with the faculties and at- 
tributes of an intellect, which, stepping forward in advance 
of all other minds of his own age, should have the sagacity 
to conceive, and the moral courage to propose, a national 
revolution of magnitude so vast, consequences so fearful, 
and results so grand, so stupendous and so sublime! 

He was born at a place called Shadwell, in Albemarle 
county, on the 2d day of April, 1743, old style. His an- 
cestors were among the earliest settlers of the province^ 
and are said to have arrived at the possession of respecta- 
bility and affluence, by the perseverance of their industry 
and the vigour of their enterprize. His father, Peter Jef- 
ferson, was a man of integrity, science and reputation; and 
held responsible appointments under the government of the 
province. The family originally emigrated to Virginia, 
from Wales, near the mountain of vSnowdon. Of his father, 
Jefferson relates that his ' education had been quite ne- 
glected; but being of a strong mind, sound judgment, and 
eager after information, he read much and improved himself, 
insomuch that he was chosen, with Joshua Fry, professor of 
mathematics in William and Mary College, to continue the 
boundary line between Virginia and North Carolina." 

His father died on the ITth August, 1757, leaving a 
widow, with six daughters and two sons, Thomas being the 
elder. His father appears to have possessed considerable 
property, for he left an estate on James river, called 'Snow- 
f/ow,' to his younger brother, and to Thomas the plantation 
of Shadwell, on which he was born. At the age of five, 
his father placed him at an English school; and when he 
was nine, he was put"to acquire liatin and Greek, w'ith a 
Mr. Douglass, a Scotch clergyman, who also instructed 
him in French. On the death of his father, his education 
was transferred to another clergyman, a Mr. Maury, emi- 
nent for his classical attainments, with whom he continued 
two years. In the spring of 1760, being qualified for fur- 
ther advancement, he was translated to William and Mary 
College, where he continued to pursue his studies for two 
years more. His own account of this period of his life at 
college is too impressive not to be quoted in this place. 
"It was my great good fortune, and what probably fixed 
th€ destinies of my life, that Dr. William Small, of Scot- 
land, was then professor of mathematics, a man profound 
in most of the useful branches of science, with a happy 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 191 

talent of communication, correct and gentlemanly manners, 
and an enlarged and liberal mind. He, most happily for 
me, became soon attached to me, and made me his daily 
companion w4ien not engaged in the school; and from his 
conversation I got my first views of the expansion of sci- 
ence, and of the system of things in m hich we are placed. 
Fortunately, the philosophical chair became vacant soon 
after my arrival at college, and he was appointed to fill it, 
jm^ interim; and he was the first who ever gave, in that col- 
lege, regular lectures in ethics, rhetoric*and belles lettres. 
He returned to Europe in 1762, having previously filled up 
the measure of his goodness to me, by procuring for me, 
from his most intimate friend, George Wythe, a reception 
as a student at law, under his direction, and introduced 
me to the acquaintance and familiar table of Governor Fau- 
quier, the ablest man who had ever filled that oflice. With 
him, and at his table. Dr. Small and Mr. Wythe, his mnici 
omnium horarum, and myself, formed a jMriie giiarre, and 
to the habitual conversations on these occasions I owed 
much instruction. Mr. Wythe continued to be my faithful 
^nd beloved mentor in youth, and my most affectionate 
friend through life. In 1767, he led me into the practice 
of the law at the bar of the general court, at which I con- 
tinued until the revolution shut up the courts of justice.'' 

Soon after this, in 1769, he was chosen by the people of 
his county to represent them in the Legislature of the State; 
a station that he continued to fill up to the period of the 
revolution. Nothing remarkable appears to have emanated 
from him in that capacity, except his project for the eman- 
cipation of slaves, a humane policv, to M'hich he was 
at all times devoted, with more of the"^feelings of a philan- 
thropist, than the policy of a statesman. 

In the years 1768—9, he took an active part in the joint 
resolutions and address which were adopted against those 
of the Houses of Lords and Commons, together with an ad- 
dress to the King, in which the people of Virginia avowed 
their determination to make common cause with those of 
Massachusetts; upon which occasion they were dissolved 
by the Governor, when they proceeded to a public house, 
and drew up and signed articles of non-importation from 
Great Britain. 

Whilst a student at Williamsburg, in 1765, he heard 
Patrick Henry declaim against the stamp act, and remarks, 
* he appeared to me to speak as Homer ivrote.'' 



192 THE LIFE Oif 

In January, 1772, Mr. Jefterson was united in marriage 
to Martha Skelton, a young widow of twenty-three, the 
daugliter of an opulent attorney of the name of Wayles, by 
whom he acquired a considerable fortune. 

Possessed of a vivid imagination, ardent temperament 
and benevolent feelings, that held communion with the 
happiness of mankind, rather than the sympathies of indi-' 
viduals, it was scarcely possible that Mr. Jeiferson, in the 
same State with Patrick Henry, and breathing daily an at- 
mosphere imbued Af ith the richest perfumes of eloquence, 
freedom and justce, could remain an indifferent specta- 
tor to the agitating questions of British outrages, pro- 
vincial wrongs, and American rights. Animated with the 
purest love of liberty; fresh from the study of Roman pa- 
triots and Grecian sages, statesmen and warriors, to stimu- 
late him in the love of country, and urge him to the vindi- 
cation of the rights of man; he watched, with an eagle eye, 
every movement of despotism, and hung, with youthful 
rapture, on the exciting accents that fell from the eloquent 
lips of Henry, glowing with patriotism and burning with 
indignation. Quick to conceive, and prompt to act, to love 
liberty, and to perceive oppression, was sufficient to impel 
Jefferson, with the enthusiasm of a young mind, to embark 
in the vindication and defence of the injured and aggressed 
party. On every side he beheld men of his own age ready 
to greet the goddess Liberty, and throng to the rescue of 
their insulted country. The contagious ardour of youth 
quickly kindled the combustible material of southern minds 
into a flame of enthusiastic devotion to the common cause 
of liberty and independence. To doubt one power of the 
English crown over the colonies, was enough to ensure its 
denial and obstruct its exercise; to doubt allegiance, was to 
provoke rebellion; to iAmA; of rebellion was atoncetoflin? 
open the door to revolution, and to pave the road that led 
to Independence. 

In the spring of 1773, Mr. Jefferson was active, along 
with Patrick Henry and others, in forming a committee of 
correspondence, to produce unity of action among the co- 
lonies, in opposition to Great Britain, by devising and con- 
certing measures for a general convention of the colonies 
at some central point. Payton Randolph, the speaker, was 
chosen chairman. Massachusetts, at the same time, and 
without any knowledge of similar proceedings having been 
adopted by Virginia, had taken the same course. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 193 

The Boston port bill, in June 1774, produced a power- 
ful impression on Virginia; and immediately determined 
the leading members of the Legislature of that colony to 
take a decided stand by the side of Massachusetts. Mr. 
Jefferson relates this incident in terms too remarkable to 
be overlooked; he says: — '•' The lead in the House, on these 
subjects, being no longer left to the old members, Mr. 
Henry, R. H. Lee, Fr. L. Lee, three or four other mem- 
bers, whom I do not recollect, and myself, agreeing that 
we must boldly take an unequivocal stand in the line of 
Massachusetts, determined to meet and consult on the pro- 
per measures, in the council chamber, for the benefit of the 
library in that room. We were under conviction of the 
necessity of rousing our people from the lethargy into which 
they had fallen, as to passing events; and thought that the 
appointment of a day of general fasting and pra^^er, would 
be most likely to call up and alarm their attention. No 
example of such a solemnity had existed since the days of 
our distresses in the war of ^55, since which a new genera- 
tion had grown up. With the help, therefore, of Rush- 
worth, whom we rummaged over for the revolutionary pre- 
cedents and forms of the Puritans of that day, preserved 
by him, we cooked up a resolution, somewhat moderating 
their phrases, for appointing the 1st day of June, on which 
the port bill was to commence, for a day o{ fasting, humi- 
liation and prayer; to implore heaven to avert from us 
the evils of civil war, to inspire us with firmness in the 
support of our rights, and to turn the hearts of the King and 
Parliament to moderation and justice. " 

It will be seen, from this account, that Mr. Jefterson 
was active and prominent among the first who took a stand 
against the encroachments of the crown; and exerted him- 
self to the utmost to stimulate his countrymen to a firm, 
manly and independent resistance, in the approaching strug- 
gle of right against power. 

The next important measure, adopted at the same time, 
was one recommending the counties to elect delegates to 
meet in August, to appoint Delegates to a General 
Congress, should that project be deemed eligible. This 
measure being acceded to, delegates were accordingly 
chosen to meet in convention; and Mr. Jefferson, among 
others, being elected, prepared a draught of instructions 
to be given to the delegates to be chosen to Congress. 

R 



194 THE LIFE OF 

These instructions were afterwards printed in a pamphlet, 
under the title of ' A Summary Vieiv of the Rights of 
British America;'' containing a lucid and powerful exposi- 
tion of the real political relations, founded in principle, rea- 
son and nature, between the colonies and the mother coun- 
try. This paper was addressed to the King, and breathed a 
spirit of liberty and daring, which, while it startled the 
timid, inspired confidence in the bold and resolution in the 
brave. Mr. Burke afterwards adapted it to the atmosphere 
of London, to answer the ends of the opposition there; and 
it passed very rapidly through several editions. It was on 
account of this pamphlet, that IMr. Jefferson's name was 
included in a list of proscriptions by the ministry, at the 
same time that he was threatened with a prosecution for 
treason, by Lord Dunmore, the royal governor of the pro- 
vince. 

Mr. Jefterson, though he had not been appointed a dele- 
gate to the first Congress, that met at Philadelphia, yet he 
was not inactive in the Legislature, in 1775; Vvhere, at the 
suggestion of Peyton Randolph, he drew up the answer of 
the G*eneral Assembly of Virginia, to the conciliatory pro- 
positions of Lord North; which, for its independent spirit, 
and bold tone, struck some of the moderate men, if not 
with horror, at least with amazement; but, as Jefferson says, 
it finally passed 'the House with long and doubtful scru- 
ples from Mr. Nicholas and James Mercer, and a dash of 
cold water on it here and there, enfeebling it somewhat, 
but finally with unanimity, or a vote approaching to it.' 
* This being passed, continues Mr. Jefferson, I repaired 
immediately to Philadelphia, and conveyed to Congress 
the first notice they had of it. It was entirely approved 
there. I took my seat with them on the 21st of June.' 

A committee being appointed by Congress, on the 22d 
of July, to consider and report on Lord Nortli's concilia- 
tory resolution, Mr. Jefferson was appointed, conjointly 
with Doctor Franklin, Mr. Adams and R. H. I^ee. At the 
request of the committee, Mr. Jefferson undertook to pre- 
pare the report, and it could not have fallen into more able 
and efiicient hands; for such were the spirits that eno;en- 
dered rebellion, dashed on to revolution and achieved in- 
dependence. It was fortunate for the country and the 
cause, that we had Jefferson to 77iove in tlie cabinet, and 
Washington to organize the field ! 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 195 

That momentous event, the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, was now approaching its birth-day; the Convention 
of Virginia having, on the loth of May, 1776, instructed 
their delegates in Congress to declare the colonies indepen- 
dent of Great Britain; for which purpose they appointed a 
committee to prepare a declaration of rights and plan of 
government. 

In pursuance of these instructions, the Virginia delegates, 
on the 7th of June, 1776, moved, that the Congress should 
declare ''that these United Colonies are, and of right ought 
to be, FREE and independent States, that they are ab- 
solved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that 
all political connection between them and the State of 
Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; 
that measures should be immediately taken for procuring 
the assistance of foreign powers, and a confederation be 
formed to bind the colonies more closely together." 

This proposition was deferred to the succeeding day, the 
8th of June, when it was taken up and referred to a com- 
mittee of the whole House, who consumed that day, and 
the following Monday, in debate upon the resolutions. In 
the course of this discussion the right of the colonies to 
independence was not controverted; but the policy of issu- 
ing a declaration of the kind, at that period, was considered 
by some rather dubious; among other reasons, because the 
middle States, more cautious and circumspect than those 
of the North and South, had not instructed their delegates 
to vote for such an extremity; which induced the Congress 
to postpone their final vote on the question to the 1st of 
July, in order to give time for the colonies of New York, 
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland and South 
Carolina, to mature their disposition to come heartily into 
the measure, on the expediency of which they were not yet 
fully satisfied. In the interim, however, a committee was 
appointed to prepare this solemn and important state paper, 
consisting of Mr. Jefterson, John Adams, Dr. Franklin, 
Roger Sherman and Robert R. Livingston. At the request 
of the committee, Mr. Jefferson consented to draught this 
momentous and interesting document. Having completed 
the Declaration of American Independence, he submitted 
it to the committee, by whom it was approved, and not less 
applauded than approved; and he accordingly reported it to 
the House on the 28th of June, when it was read, and or- 
dered to lie on the table. 



196 THE LIFE OF 

It cannot be doubted, that on this occasion, Mr. Jeft'er- 
son felt all the solicitude which the solemn import of the 
instrument was reasonably calculated to inspire: as a step 
whicli was to usher into being a doubtful civil war — a bloody 
and uncertain revolution, anxl finally give birth to an em- 
pire, whicli was to change the face of the civilized world; 
convulse the monarchies of Europe; invert the obligations 
between kings and people; dissolve the ancient foundations 
of fj;overnment, and create a new empire out of the chaos 
produced by tyranny against the rights of man. Property 
and life were to be perilled, peace and abundance to be 
sacrificed, toil and danger to be endured; and it was all 
cheerfully done; the sacrifice was placed upon tlie altar 
of liberty, the fire was kindled, the smoke gathered in 
dark and lurid clouds, the flames ascended even to the 
heavens, but the offering was an acceptable one, the God of 
nations smiled upon the sacrifice, and America became free, 
happy and independent. 

On the 4th of July, the debates upon this important ques- 
tion having closed, the Declaration of Independence was 
adopted and signed by every member present, except Mr. 
Dickinson. In reference to the debates on this occasion, 
Mr. Jefferson observes — ^ '- Tha piisillanimous idea that we 
had friends in England worth keeping terms with, still 
haunted the minds of many. For this reason, those pas- 
sages which conveyed censures on the people of England 
were struck out, lest they should give them offence. The 
clause too, reprobating the enslaving the inhabitants of 
Africa, was struck out in complaisance to South Carolina 
and Georgia, who had never attempted to restrain the im- 
portation of slaves, and who, on the contrary, still wished 
to continue it. Our northern brethren also, I believe, felt a 
little tender under the censures; for though their people had 
very few slaves themselves, yet they liad been pretty con- 
siderable carriers of them to others. The debates having 
taken up the greater parts of the second, third and fourth days 
of July, were, on the evening of the last period, closed." 

Congress, on the 12th of July, entered into the discus- 
sion of a great question, second in importance only^to the 
Declaration of Independence; this was the adoption of ar- 
ticles of confederation between the thirteen United States. 
The debate on these articles extended to a period of two 
years; and were only ratified in 1778, by ten States. On 
the 26th of November eleven States concurred in them; 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 197 

and on the 23d Februar^^, 1779, Delaware also received 
them; but it was not until March 1, 1781, that Maryland 
gave in her adhesion to the confederacy. 

What part Jefferson took in this measure I have not been 
able to discover; and suspect it to have been both less pro- 
minent and less ardent than that on the Declaration of In- 
dependence; not because he considered it of inferior mo- 
ment, but because the mind naturally relaxes and flags after 
great exertion, or unusual labour and excitement; or that 
others jealous of his prominence, were now ambitious of 
taking their part in the great work of self-government. 

The new government of Virginia being now organised, 
Mr. Jefferson determined to resign his seat in Congress, 
havino- been elected by his county to the new Legislature of 
his native State, to be held in October. On this subject he 
remarks, " I knew that our legislation, under the regal 
government, had many very vicious points which urgently 
required reformation, and I thought I could be of more use 
in forwarding that work. I therefore retired from my seat 
in Congress on the 2d of September, resigned it, and took 
my place in the Legislature of my state on the 7th of 
October. " 

Jefferson now^ commenced his labours in the Legisla- 
ture of Virginia, as the champion of reform and the apos- 
tle ot liberty. He there drew a bill for the organization 
of the courts of justice, of great importance, which was ap- 
proved by the committee, and finally passed into a law. 

But the most eventful, memorable and republican act of 
his whole life, was now to be performed; and not to do in- 
justice to which, I must detail in his own language. '^' On 
the 12th, I obtained leave to bring in a bill declaring tenants 
in tail to hold their lands in fee simple. In the earlier 
times of the colony, when lands were to be obtained for 
little or nothing, some provident individuals procured large 
grants; and desirous of founding great families for them- 
selves, settled them on their descendants in fee tail. The 
transmission of this property from generation to generation, 
in the same name, raised up a distinct set of families, 
who being privileged by law in the perpetuation of their 
wealth, were thus formed into a patrician order, distin- 
guished by the splendour and luxury of their establish- 
ments. From this order, too, the King habitually selected 
his counsellors of state; the hope of which distinction de- 
R 2 



198 THE LIFE OF 

voted the whole corps to the interests and will of the crown. 
To annul this privilege, and instead of an aristocracy of 
wealthy of more harm and danger than benefit to society, 
to make an opening for the aristocracy oi virtue and talent, 
which nature has wisely provided for the direction of the 
interests of society, and scattered with equal hand through 
all its conditions, w^as deemed essential to a well ordered 
republic. To eftect it, no violence was necessary, no de- 
privation of natural right, but rather an enlargement of it, 
by a repeal of the law. For this would authorise the pre- 
sent holder to divide the property among his children 
equally, as his aftections were divided; and would place 
thesm, by natural generation, on the level of their fellow 
citizens." 

This noble law, for the abolishment of entails, Mr. Jef- 
ferson had the satisfaction to see pass; and the still greater 
consolation of reflecting that he w^as the author of it. 

He proposed a trial by jury in the court of Chancery, 
which he carried; but an opponent proposing an amendment, 
making it optional with the parties, it became almost a 
nullity. 

He next extended his benevolence to the cessation of the 
importation of slaves; and succeeded in carrying a bill, in 
'78, prohibiting their further importation. 

Impelled by a controversy that now arose in Virginia 
between the ministers of the English Episcopal church and 
the Dissenters, he next attempted to procure, and succeeded 
in a repeal of the " laws which rendered criminal the main- 
tenance of any religious opinions, the forbearance of re- 
pairing to church, or the exercise of any mode of worship: 
and to exempt dissenters from contributions to support the 
established church. " 

The removal of the seat of government from Williams- 
burg, to a more secure and central part, was the next ob- 
ject of his attention; but it occupied him three years to ac- 
complish this laudable object. 

In May, 1789, he introduced a bill defining the qualifi- 
cations of citizenship, asserting the natural right of expa- 
triation, and prescribing the manner of exercising it; which 
became a law. 

The account of these laws we have derived from Mr. 
Jefterson's own pen; and in making the statement he ob- 
serves, with his characteristic modesty: <'In giving this 



THOMAS JEFFER50X. 



199 



account of the laws, of which I was myself the mover and 
draughtsman, I by no means, mean to claim to myself the 
merit of obtaining their passage. I had many occasional and 
strenuous coadjutors in debate, and one, most stedfast, 
able, and zealous, who was himself a host. This was 
Georgre Mason, a man of the first order of wisdom among: 
those Avho acted on the theatre of the revolution; of expan- 
sive mind, profound judgment, cogent in arjcument, learned 
in the lore of our former constitution, and earnest for the 
republican chanjre on democratic principles. His elocution 
was neither flowing, nor smooth; but his language was 
strong, his manner most impressive, and strengthened by a 
dash of biting cvnicism. when provocation made it season- 
able." To 5lr. Wythe and Mr. Madison, he also ascribes 
efficient co-operation. 

These acknowledgements of politeness, and marks of 
diffidence, must not, however, be allowed to detract from 
the merit of Mr. Jefterson, for the splendid reforms he thus 
introduced; and for which the world stands exclusively in- 
debted to his peculiar f;enius, singular sagacity, pure repub- 
lican principles, and intrepid moral couratre — great quali- 
ties, which unitins: with his ardent and expansive benevo- 
lence, could not have been found in anotlier individual, 
combined in those happy proportions, capable of penetrating 
to the evils of a great system, and endowed with vigour of 
intellect competent to their extii-pation. 

Indeed, it is difficult to appreciate justly, the civil and 
juridical services rendered to his country by Jefferson at 
this period: so apt are we to overlook the quiet revolutions 
in civil life and judicial systems, wrought by the tranquil 
operations of genius, science and intellect; and so prone are 
we to devote our exclusive attention to that glare of mili- 
tary u-lory, which fillino: the world with noise, bustle, and 
confusion, forces itself upon the attention of all, and by its 
very horrors extorts the tribute of universal homage and 
dread: so true it is. that the authors and promoters of 
human happiness, improvement and wisdom, who deserve 
the undivided gratitude and admiration of the world; 
achieving their labours of love without noise, are on that 
account neo:lected: whilst the cruel ravager of nations, the 
bloodstained victor of war, and the destroyer of thousands, 
and the happiness of millions, is hailed with applause from 
the nursery to the stable, while millions incapable of thought. 



200 THE LIFE OF 

clamour forth his renown, and sympathise in deeds, that all 
can appreciate, because ferocious, sanguinary, or afflicting. 
For ourselves, we contemplate the benevolent Sage of Vir- 
ginia, with emotions of the most exalted pleasure, while 
thus devoting himself at the shrine of justice, to preserve 
the rights of the people, at the fountain head of the Judi- 
ciary — securing at once, life, property, liberty and hap- 
piness. 

Enlarging the sphere of his usefulness in this branch of 
patriotic duty, he presented a bill to the Legislature, in the 
session of 1776, for a Revision of the Laws of Virginia^ 
which being adopted, he, in company with four other mem- 
bers, was chosen to that important and arduous task: the 
principal feature in the revised code, being the abolishment 
of the laio of 'primogeniture: which one of his colleagues 
being desirous to retain, Jefferson answered him, " that if 
the elder son could eat twice as much, or do double work, 
it might be a natural evidence of his right to a double por- 
tion; but being on a par in his powers and wants, with his 
brothers and sisters, he should be on a par also in the par- 
tition of the patrimony. This simple argument decided the 
question in favour of its annulment. Another prominent 
feature of the revised code, was " the bill for establishing 
religious freedom, the principles of which had, to a certain 
degree, been .enacted before I had drawn it, says Jeffer- 
son, in all the latitude of reason and right. It still met 
with opposition; but with some mutilations in the preamble, 
it was finally passed; and a singular proposition proved that 
lis protection of opinion was meant to be universal. Where 
the preamble declares, that coercion is a departure from the 
plan of the holy author of our religion, an amendment was 
proposed, by inserting the words 'Jesus Christ,' so that it 
should read, 'a departure from the plan of Jesus Christ, 
the holy author of our religion; the insertion was rejected 
by a great majority, in proof that they meant to comprehend 
within the mantle of its protection, the Jew and the Gentile, 
the Christian and Mahometan, the Hindoo and Infidel of 
every denomination. " In this, he superadded the mitigation 
of the penal code, on the system of Beccaria, abolishing the 
penalty of death for all crimes, except murder and treason. 
Let me not forget to record in this place, that the plan of 
solitary confinement at hard labour, originated with this 
distinguished philanthropist, and illustrious statesman. 



THOMAS JEFFERSOX. 2Ul 

Inexhaustible in his schemes for the improvement of the 
Imman famih', he now undertook to devise ^' a systematical 
plan of CxEXERAL EDUCATION, reaching to all classes, in 
pursuance of an act of Assembly of Virginia: but, though 
the bill passed, the system was never carried into practice. 

He also framed a bill in relation to the gradual removal 
of the curse of slavery; liis observations on which I feel 
myself bound to transcribe. " The principles of the amend- 
ment, however, were agreed on, that is to say, the freedom 
of all born after a certain day, and deportation at a proper 
age. But it was found, tliat the public mind would not yet 
bear the proposition, nor will it bear it even at this day. 
Yet the day is not distant when it must bear and adopt it, 
or worse will follow. Nothing is more certainly written in 
the book of fate, than that these people are to be free; nor 
is it less certain, that the two races, equally free, cannot 
live in the same government. Nature, habit and opinion, 
have drawn indelible lines of distinction between them. It 
is still in our power to direct the process of emancipation 
and deportation, peaceably, and in such slow degree, as that 
the evil v.iil wear off insensibl}^, and their place be pari 
passu, filled up by free white labourers. If, on the contrary, 
it is left to force itself on, human nature must shudder at the 
prospect held up. We should in vain look for an example 
in the Spanish deportation or deletion of the Moors. This 
precedent would fall far short of our case." 

Mr. Jefferson was not insensible of the highly important 
part he had been acting in the civil government of his native 
State, towards bringing the entire and actual fabric of its 
polity, to assimilate to Ihe abstract model of its republican 
principles. Remarking upon these events of his life in his 
Memoirs, he says, "I considered four of these bills, passed 
or reported, as forming a system by which every fibre would 
be eradicated of ancient or future aristocracy, and a foun- 
dation laid for a government truly republican. The repeal 
of the Laws of Entail, would prevent the accumulation 
and perpetuation of wealth, in select families, and preserve 
the soil of the country from being daily more and more ab- 
sorbed in mortmain. ' The abolition of Primogeniture, 
and equal partition of inheritances,-^ removed the feudal 

* This phrase is not grammatical — it ought to read *' and the 
estabUshment of equal pai-tition of inheritances." 



202 THE LIFE OY 

and unnatural distinctions which made one member of every 
family rich, and all the rest poor, substituting equal parti- 
tion, the best of all Agrarian laws. The restoration of the 
rights q/* Conscience, relieved the people from taxation for 
the support of a religion not theirs; for the establishment 
was truly of the religion of the rich, the dissenting sects 
being entirely composed of the less wealthy people; and 
those, by the bill for a general education, would be qualified 
to understand their rights, to maintain them, and to exer- 
cise with intelligence their parts in self-government: and 
all this would be effected, without the violation of a single 
natural right of any one individual citizen. To these too, 
might be added, as a further security, the introduction of 
the trial by jury, into the chancery courts, which have 
already ingulphed, and continue to ingulph, so great a pro- 
portion of the jurisdiction over our property." 

It was scarcely within the range of probability, that a man 
so highly gifted with talents, so judicious in the beneficial 
application of them, and so popular in his ideas and princi- 
ples, should long remain unhonoured by the greatest office 
in the gift of his native state; and we accordingly perceive 
him appointed Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia, 
on the 1st of June, 1779, at the expiration of the term for 
which Patrick Henry had served, as the first Governor of 
that State, after its separation from colonial vassalage to 
England: a station which had become doubly arduous from 
the cruel exasperation of the enemy, which had driven them 
to aggravate the natural horrors of war, by the most savage 
and revolting practices towards American prisoners. Jef- 
ferson had, on a previous occasion, extended the hand of 
humanity to alleviate the sufferings of the British prisoners 
in Virginia, in a manner and under circumstances which 
stamped his-benevolence as the spontaneous and sterling coin 
of the heart. Now, however, he was compelled by duty, 
to the painful resolution, of visiting with retaliation on the 
British prisoners in his power, the cruelties inflicted on ours 
by the enemy. In a letter to General Washington, he thus 
expresses himself. "I shall give immediate orders for 
having in readiness every engine, which the enemy have 
contrived for the destruction of our unhappy citizens, cap- 
tivated by them. The presentiment of these operations is 
shocking beyond expression. I pray Heaven to avert them; 
but nothing in this world will do witji such an enemy but 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 203 

proper firmness and decision." For a time, this conduct 
only stimulated the British to increased severity against our 
unfortunate countrymen who fell into tlieir hands; but a 
perseverance in the system adopted by Jefferson, eventually 
succeeded, and corrected aprocedure at variance with every 
principle, feeling and practice of civilised nations. In a 
letter which he addressed to one of the American prisoners, 
he thus exhorts them to fortitude and philosophy. " There 
is nothing, you may be assured, consistent with the honour 
of your cou itry, which we shall not, at all times, be ready 
to do for the relief of yourself and companions in captivity. 
We know that ardent spirit and hatred for tyranny, which 
brought you into your present situation, will enable you to 
bear against it with the firmness which has distinguished 
you as a soldier, and to look forward with pleasure to the 
day when events shall take place, against which the wounded 
pride of your enemies will find no comfort, even from re- 
flections on the most refined of the cruelties with which 
they have glutted themselv-es. " 

The administration of Mr. Jefferson was now rendered 
memorable, by the sudden invasion of Virginia by the Bri- 
tish, headed by the daring Tarleton, tracking his way with 
barbarity and blood, as the van of Cornwallis's army, and 
shaking Virginia to the centre, by the sudden and terrible 
shock of v/ar. 

This was a new era in the life of Jefferson. The philo- 
sopher, the sage and the statesman, was called to buckle on 
his armour, and array the militia of his State against the 
formidable invasion of a fierce and disciplined foe. Virgi- 
nia with her' wonted chivalry roused herself to action; and 
Jefferson bent all the energies of his powerful intellect to 
the efficient discharge of his military functions: and put in 
requisition every means of defence and precaution, which 
his foresight and resources enabled him to apply. On the 
11th of June, he wrote to Washington in the following 
style of energy, decision, and activity. " Our intelligence 
from the southward is most lamentably defective. Though 
Charleston has now been in the hands of tlie enemy a month, 
we hear nothing of their movements which can be relied 
upon. Rumours say that they are penetrating northward. 
To remedy this defect, I shall immediately establish a line 
of expresses from hence to the neighbourhood of their army, 
and send thither a sensible, judicious person, to give us 



204 THE LIFE OF 

information of their movements. This intelligence will, I 
hope, be conveyed at the rate of one hundred and twenty 
miles in the twenty-four hours. They set out to their sta- 
tions to-morrow. I wish it were possible that a like speedy 
line of communication could be formed from hence to your 
excellency's head quarters. Perfect and speedy informa- 
tion of what is passing in the south, might put it in your 
power perhaps to frame your measures by theirs. There 
is really nothing to oppose the enemy northward, but the 
cautious principle of the military art. North Carolina is 
without arms. They do not abound with us. Those we 
have are freely imparted to them; but such is the state of 
their resources that they have not been able to move a single 
musket from this State to theirs. All the wagons we can 
collect here, have been furnished to the Baron De Kalb. 
and are assembled for the march of 2500 men under Gene 
ral Stevens, of Culpepper, who will move on the 19th inst. 
I have written to Congress to hasten supplies of arms and 
military stores for the southern States, and particularly to 
aid us with cartridge paper and boxes, the want of which 
articles, small as they are, renders our, stores useless. The 
want of money cramps' every effort. This will be supplied 
by the most unpalatable of all substitutes, force. Your 
excellency* will readily conceive that, after the loss of one 
army, our eyes are turned towards the other, and that we 
comfort ourselves with the hope that, if any aids can be 
furnished by you, without defeating the operations more 
beneficial to the Union, they will be furnished. At the 
same time, I am happy to find that the wishes of the people 
go no further, as far as I have an opportunity of hearing 
their sentiments. Could arms be furnished, I think this 
State and North Carolina, would embody from ten to fifteen 
thousand militia immediately, and more if necessary. I hope 
ere long to be able to give you a more certain statement of 
the enemy's as well as our own situation." 

The Legislature of Virginia acted with a vigour and 
promptitude commensurate to the occasion, and clothed the 
Governor with extraordinary powers, not exactly consistent 
with republican ideas; but Jefferson rose to the critical na- 
ture of the emergency, and did not disappoint public ex;r 
pectation in this solemn crisis. 

* I italicise this title to show that even Jefferson could not pre- 
serve, in practice, his strict iiEPCBtiCAsr simplicity! 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 205 

An attack, however^ now burst upon them from another 
and unexpected quarter. General Arnold, the traitor of 
West Point, always daring, and now become reckless and 
ferocious, suddenly landed below Richmond, at the head of 
1500 men. This was a complete surprise, for which the 
Governor was unprepared; the available militia having been 
placed under the command of General Nelson, and station- 
ed at Williamsburg. In .this juncture, Jefferson, having 
hastily summoned two hundred militia, under the command 
of Baron Steuben, with which force he superintended in 
person the records and military stores that were deposited 
in the capital, across the river, until he saw them safe from 
the gripe of the enemy. On this occasion Jefferson mani- 
fested that coolness and displayed that undaunted courage 
which might have been justly expected from his character; 
and continued to issue his orders until the very appearance 
of the light horse of the enemy made it prudent to with- 
draw his person from the scene of embarkation. Arnold 
having laid waste and plundered the surrounding country, 
Mr. Jefferson, to rid the State of his further annoyance, 
conceived a laudable plan for his capture, which he thought 
might be attended with success; and which he thus explained 
in a letter to General Muhlenberg, dated 31st January, 
1780, "Sir, Acquainted as you are with the treasons of 
Arnold, I need say nothing for your information, or to give 
you a proper sentiment of them. You will readily suppose 
that it is above all things desirable to drag him from those 
under whose wing he is now sheltered. On his march to and 
from this place, I am certain it might have been done with 
facility, by men of enterprise and firmness. I think it may 
still be done, though perhaps not quite so easily. Having 
peculiar confidence in the men from the w estern side of the 
mountains, I meant, as soon as they should come down, to 
get the enterprize proposed to a chosen number of them, 
sucli whose courage and whose fidelity would be above all 
doubt. Your perfect knowledge of those men personally, 
and my confidence in your discretion, induce me to ask you 
to seek from among them proper characters, in such num- 
bers as you think best; to reveal to them our desire; and 
engage them to undertake to seize and bring off this great- 
est of all traitors. Whether this may be best effected by 
their going in as friends, and awaiting their opportunity, 
or otherwise, is left to themselves. The smaller the num- 

S 



206 THE LIFE OF 

ber the better, so that they may be sufficient to manage him. 
Every necessary caution must be used on their part, to pre- 
vent a discovery of their design by the enemy. I will un- 
dertake, if they are successful in bringing him off alive, that 
they shall receive five thousand guineas reward among them; 
and to men formed for such an enterprise, it must beagi'eat 
incitement to know that their names will be recorded with 
glory in history, with those of Vanwert, Paulding and 
Williams." 

The plan thus suggested by Jefterson was carried into 
effect; but it proved abortive, Arnold being not less cautious 
and circumspect, than he was daring and unprincipled. 

Failing in this scheme, he now projected another, in 
which he was to receive the co-operation of General Wash- 
ington, and the French fleet. In a letter of the 8th of 
March, he thus addressed the former personage, upon the 
subject: "We have made, on our part, every preparation 
which we were able to make. The militia, proposed to 
operate, will be upwards of 4000 from this State, and 1000 
or 1200 from Carolina, said to be under General Gregory. 
The enemy are at this time, in a great measure, blockaded 
by land, there being a force on the east side of Elizabeth 
river. They suflier for provisions, as they are afraid to 
venture far, lest the French squadron should be in the 
neighbourhood, and come upon them. Were it possible to 
block up the river, a little time would suffice to reduce 
them by want and desertions; and would be more sure in 
its events than any attempt by storm." But Arnold again 
escaped; the arrival of a British squadron of superior force 
having driven the French fleet from the Chesapeake. 

Arnold having eftected a retreat from Virginia, Cornwal- 
lis now penetrated the State from the south. Exhausted of 
most of her slender resources for the common defence, and 
the succour of her southern sisters, Jefferson saw, and de- 
plored, that his native state had been left naked to the 
sword of the enemy. But his was not a spirit to despair, 
or shrink in times of danger. Again he rose with the pres- 
sure of the emergency; and having rallied every remaining 
resource of the commonwealth, he placed her in the best 
attitude of defence which his limited means permitted. 

The Legislature convened at Charlotteville on the 28th 
of May; and thus took from the Governor some of the 
weight of the heavy responsibility Avhich had been thrown 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 207 

upon him by a concurrence of adverse events and disastrous 
circumstances. His letter to General Washington, of that 
date, will supercede any description of ours, relating to the 
embarrassments and difficulties that pressed upon him. 

" I have just been advised, he says, that the British have 
evacuated Petersburg, been joined by a considerable rein- 
forcement from New York, and crossed James river at 
Westover. They were, on the 26th instant, three miles 
advanced towards Riclmiond, at which place, Major Gene- 
ral, the Marquis Fayette, lay with three thousand men, 
regulars and militia, that being the whole number we could 
arm, until the arrival of the 1100 stand of arms from Rhode 
Island, which are about this time at the place where our 
public stores are deposited. The whole force of the enemy 
within this State, from the best intelligence I have been 
able to get, is, I think, about 7000 men, including the gar- 
rison left at Portsmouth. A number of privateers, which 
are constantly ravaging the sliores of our rivers, prevent us 
from receiving any aid from the counties lying on navigable 
waters^ and powerful operations meditated against our wes- 
tern frontier, by a joint force of British and Indian savages, 
have, as your excellency before knew, obliged us to em- 
body between two and three thousand men in that quarter. 
Your excellency will judge from this state of things, and 
from what you know of your own country, what it may 
probably sufler during the present campaign. Should the 
enemy be able to obtain no opportunity of annihilatng the 
Marquis's army, a small proportion of their force may yet 
restrain his movements effectually, while the greater part 
is employed in detachments to waste an unarmed country, 
and lead the minds of the people to acquiesce under those 
events, which they see no human power prepared to ward 
oft'. We are too far removed from the other scenes of war, 
to say whether the main force of the enemy be within this 
state; but I suppose they cannot any where spare so great 
an army for the operations of the field. Were it possible 
for this circumstance to justify, in your excellency, a deter- 
mination to lend us your personal aid, it is evident from the 
universal voice, that the presence of their beloved country- 
man, whose talents have so long been successfully employ- 
in establishing the freedom of kindred States,* to whose 

* I cannot avoid calling the attention of the reader, in an em- 
phatic manner, to the terms here used ' iciiyDUED states,' addressed 



208 THE LIFE OF 

person they have still flattered themselves they retained 
some right, and have ever looked upon as their dernier re- 
sort in distress^ that your appearancej among tliem, I say, 
would restore fidl confidence of salvation, and would render 
them equal to whatever is not impossible. I cannot un- 
dertake to foresee and obviate the difticulties which lie 
in the way of such a resolution. The whole subject is 
before you, of which I see only detached parts. Should 
the danger of the State, and its consequences to the Union, 
be such as to render it best for the wliole that you should 
repair to its assistance, the difliculty would then de how to 
keep men out of the field. I have undertaken to hint this 
matter to your excellency, not only on my own sense of its 
importance to us, but at the solicitation of many members 
of weight in our Legislature, which has not yet assembled 
to speak its own desires. A few days will bring to me that 
relief, which the constitution has prepared for those op- 
pressed with the labours of my office; and a long declared 
resolution of relinquishing it to abler hands, has prepared 
my way for retirement to a private station; still, as an in- 
dividual, I should feel the comfortable effects of your pre- 
sence, and have (what I thought could not have been) an 
additional motive for that gratitude, esteem, and respect^ 
which I have long felt for your excellency." 

Certainly, more delicate, and at the same time, more 
abundant adulation, was never before comprised in so nar- 
row a compass, in a letter of state, addressed from one 
public character to another, on a question of great national 
concernment; and, if Washington did not feel it, he must 
have been more than human. The flattery, however, was 
too refined to off*end; and reffects equal honour on him who 
offered, and him who received it; being, beyond all doubt, 
tlie sincere ebullition of the heart on the part of Jefferson. 

His term of office having expired on the 2d of June, Mr. 
Jefferson retired from the cares of public, to the enjoyment 
of private life, under the pleasing reflection tliat he had 



to the commander in chief of the armies of the United States; and 
who must have looked upon this expression of Jefferson as a rank 
political heresy, at war with tlie common defence and g-eneral wel- 
fare of the whole; a doctrine to which Washing-ton was so rehg-lously 
attached, as constituting- the palladium of civil liberty, as well as 
military success and national safety. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 209 

faithfully discharged his duty to the utmost of his ability, 
in a period of trying difficulty, and through scenes of im- 
minent peril and perplexing embarrassment^ which, in all 
after times, must secure him an honorable immortality. 

He now retired to his retreat at Monticelloj but had 
scarcely reached that place, when intelligence was received 
that Tarleton, at the head of 250 horse, had been detached 
from the main army, to surprise and capture the members 
of the Legislature, then in session at Charlotteville. The 
House was on the point of proceeding to business, when 
the alarm was communicated, and had hardly time to 
adjourn, when the enemy burst into the village, assured of 
their prey; but no one was taken, though all had a narrow 
escape. But the ex-Governor was no#forgotten; and Cap- 
tain M'Leod, with a troop of horse was despatched to 
Monticello, to secure Jefferson. Fortunately, the intel- 
ligence of their approach v/as conveyed in advance, and Jef- 
ferson was enabled to escape, having sent off his family in 
a carriage, and mounting a horse himself, made his way 
through the woods to the house of a friend, where he was 
joined by his family. This is the famous incident in his 
life, which has been so opprobriously stigmatised by faction, 
by ' the flight to Carter'' s mountain;'' which venal bards 
have sung in satiric strains, and which the mercenary scrib- 
blers of a sordid party, have attempted to brand with 
infamy in scurrilous prose. Let the simple question be 
asked, was an unarmed individual to stand still, and suffer 
himself to be captured by a body of 250 horse? Or was he, 
like Captain Bobadil, to challenge and kill them by tens, in 
succession? But the pencil of history has too vividly con- 
secrated to veneration the firmness of the statesman, and 
the talents of the man, as well as his zeal and intrepidity, 
to require his vindication from so frivolous, though at the 
same time so malicious a charge. 

Like all men distinguished for prominent talents and 
great decision of character, Jeflierson did not escape the 
aspersions and suspicions of an opposition party during his 
gubernatorial labours | and after his retirement, a Mr. 
Nicholas moved, in the Legislature, for an enquiry into 
his administration, on the ground of remissness and neglect 
in securing the public defence from the inroads of the 
enemy. Jefferson, and his friends, manifested the utmost 
readiness to meet this investigation; but, aft^r a short time, 

S 2 



210 THE LIFE OF 

Mr. Nicholas having become convinced of the futility of 
the charge, declined its farther prosecution, and it fell, still- 
born, into the tomb of oblivious calumny. Jeiferson, how- 
ever, expecting to meet it, procured one of the representa- 
tives of his county to resign his seat in the Legislature, and 
in his place he was unanimously chosen; but when the 
House met, and no one appeared to prosecute the inquiry, 
Jefferson rose in his seat, and after reciting the cliarges 
brought against them, entered briefly into his own defence; 
which, having concluded, his justification was deemed S{» 
full and complete that the House unanimotisJy passed this 
resolution — ' Resolved, That the sincere thanks of the 
General Assembly be given to our former Governor, Thomas 
Jeiferson, for his impartial, upright and attentive adminis- 
tration, whilst in office. The Assembly wish, in the strong- 
est manner, to declare the high opinion they entertain of 
Mr. Jefferson's ability, rectitude and integrity, as chief 
magistrate of this commonwealth, and mean, by thus pub- 
licly avowing their opinion, to obviate and remove all un- 
merited censure. ' 

Mr. Nicholas now made the amende honorable^ by a pub- 
lication of his error, and an acknowledgment of the injus- 
tice of which he had been guilty towards Mr. Jeiferson: an 
example of frank and honorable atonement, which it is to be 
lamented is not more generally imitated, after the transient 
heat of party animosity has cooled oif, and reason left to 
meditate on the injustice, can vanquish the impulse of 
passion at the shrine of truth. 

The next remarkable event in the life of Jeiferson, was 
of a literary character, and relates to the composition of his 
'' Notes on Virginia," written in 1781, amidst the din of 
arms, the clamour of politics, and the confusion of war. The 
Secretary of the French Legation, M. De Marbois, having 
proposed to Mr. Jeiferson a series of inquiries relative to 
the State of Virginia; its natural productions, government, 
geography, iiistory and lav/s; he answered them in this 
work, so replete with science, learning, research and philo- 
sophy. Pleased even to delight with this performance, the 
gentleman to whom it was addressed, procured it to be 
translated and printed in the Frencli, and circulated among 
his friends, in whom it excited a lively interest. From this 
copy, a translation having been made without his know- 
ledge, he was induced, in the year 1787, to publish the work 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 211 

under his own direction in its original English dress. As 
no inconsiderable portion of his fame rests upon this pro- 
duction, we shall enter into some examination of its merits 
in another place. 

In September 1782, Mr. Jefferson suffered a severe stroke 
of domestic affliction, in the demise of his wife — '* in whose 
affections, he says, unabated on both sides, I had lived the 
last ten years in unchequered happiness." Desirous of a 
change of scene from the spot of his bereavement, he now 
accepted the appointment of Minister Plenipotentiary, to 
negociate peace, through the mediation of the Empress of 
Russia, in conjunction with Mr. Adams, jNIr. Jay, Dr. 
Franklin, and ^Ir. Laurens: an appointment which he had 
the year before declined, under a conviction that he could 
be more useful at home. This mission, however, failed; 
and, after having reached Philadelphia, he was excused by 
Congress from proceeding in its execution, owing to the 
arrival of intelligence of the signing of the provisional treaty 
of peace. He therefore, returned to Monticello on the 
15th of May, 1783. 

On the 6th of June, he was again appointed a delegate to 
Congress, and took his seat in that body on the 4th of No- 
vember, at Trenton; from wlience Congress adjourned to 
Annapolis, to meet on the 26th of the same month, whither 
Jefferson attended them. But it was not until the 13th of 
December, that a quorum could be formed. 

His first work of utility in this session, was the scheme 
for regulating the current money of the United States, by 
adopting the Dollar^ as our unit of account and payment, 
and its divisions and subdivisions in the decimal ratio — 
thus rendering it into dollars, dimes, cents and mills. He 
suggested the same principle in the regulation of distances, 
and weights and measures; but, strange to say, it has never 
yet been adopted, though so eligible and advantageous. 

The definitive treaty of peace now arrived, and was to be 
ratified by Congress; but the want of a full representation 
of nine States, protracted its final adoption. !Much and 
unavailing debate now ensued, speaking of which Mr. Jef- 
ferson makes the following apt and judicious strictures upon 
parliamentary debates, whicli are too excellent not to be 
quoted. " Our body was little numerous, but very conten- 
tious. Day after date, was M^asted on the most unimportant 
questions. A member, one of those afflicted with the 



212 THE LIFE OF 

morbid rage of debate, of an ardent mind, prompt ima- 
gination, and copious flow of words, who heard with 
impatience any logic which was not his own, sitting near 
me, on some occasion of a trifling but wordy debate, asked 
me how I could sit in silence, hearing so much false rea- 
soning, which a word should refute? I observed to him, 
that to refute, indeed, was easy, but to silence impossible; 
that in measures brought forward by myself, I took the 
labouring oar, as was incumbent on me; but that in general, 
I was willing to listen; that if every sound argument or 
objection was used by some one or other of the numerous 
debaters, it was enough; if not, I thought it suflicient to 
suggest the omission, without going into a repetition of what 
had been already said by others: that this was a waste and 
abuse of the time and patience of the House, which could 
not be justified. And 1 believe, that if the members of 
deliberate bodies were to observe this course generally, they 
would do in a day, what takes them a week; and it is really 
more questionable than may at first be thought, whether 
Bonaparte's dumb I>.egislature, which said nothing and did 
much, may not be preferable to one which talks much and 
does nothing. / served with General Washington in the 
Legislature of Virginia, before the Revolution, and during 
it, with Dr. Franklin, in Congress; I never heard either of 
them speak ten minutes at a time, nor to any but the main 
POINT, which loas to decide the question. They laid their 
shoulders to the great points, knoiving that the little ones 
would follow of themselves. If the present Congress errs in 
too much talking, how can it be otherwise, in a body to 
which the people send one hundred and fifty Lawyers, 
ivhose trade it is to questioji every thing, yield nothing, and 
talk by the hour? That one hundred and fifty Lawyers 
should do business together, ought not to be expected." 

At length, on the 14th of January, the delegates froni 
nine States having arrived, the treaty was ratified, without 
a dissenting voice. 

Congress having resolved to join another Minister in 
Europe, (to negociate treaties of commerce) to Mr. Adams 
and Dr. Franklin. Mr. Jefferson was appointed. He gives 
the following brief account of his voyage to France. "I 
accordingly left Annapolis on the 11th, took with me my 
eldest daughter, then at Philadelphia, (the two others being 
too young tor the voyage) and proceeded to Boston in quest 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 213 

of a passage. Wliile passing through the different States, 
I made a point of informing myself of the state of the com- 
merce of each; went on to New Hampshire with the same 
view, and returned to Boston. Thence I sailed on the 5th 
of July, in the Ceres, a merchant ship of Mr. Nathaniel 
Tracey, bound to Cowes. He was himself a passenger, and 
after a pleasant voyage of nineteen days, we arrived at 
Cowes on the 26th. I was detained there a few days by 
the indisposition of my daughter. On the 30th, we em- 
barked for Havre, arrived there on the 31st, left it on the 
3d of August, and arrived at Paris on the 6th. I called 
immediately on Dr. Franklin, at Passy, communicated to 
him our cliarge, and we wrote to Mr. Adams, then at the 
Hague, to join us at Paris." 

In Europe, the services of Mr. Jefferson were highly be- 
neficial to his country; for, independent of his diplomatic 
talent, the moral force of his character as a statesman, a 
man of science, a philosopher, and a sage, elevated the re- 
putation of his country, and extorted that respect which 
civilised mankind always pay as the tribute of reason to the 
power of intellect. Having negociated several treaties of 
commerce. Dr. Franklin returned home; and Mr. Adams, 
having been appointed ambassador at St. James, Mr. Jeffer- 
son was left as minister at the court of Versailles. 

A treaty with Prussia and Morocco, was the only fruit of 
the labours of the three ambassadors. 

At the request of Mr, Adams, Jefferson now w^ent over 
to London, to attempt a treaty with that power; but returned 
to Paris covered with disappointment, mortification and 
chagrin, at the cold reception the overture had met with. 

From Paris, Mr. Jefferson found leisure to travel into 
Italy, and explore Holland; and his powers of observation 
fully enabled him to amass a fund of information as useful 
to his country, as it proved beneficial to himself. 

In France, a long residence and a perfect mastery of the 
language, could not fail to imbue him deeply with European 
politics. His prepossessions in favour of France were warm 
and evident; he did not conceal his attachment to the 
French character, and to French modes of thinking, acting, 
and feeling; and he, therefore, naturally became a favorite 
with their philosophers and men of letters; nor was it a 
slight honor to call D\fllembert his friend, embrace Con- 
dorcet as a companion, and acknowledge the .^bbe Morrellet 



214 THE LIFE OF 

as his literary god-father, who, from love to the author, 
translated his Notes on Virginia. 

Although at a foreign court, the thoughts of Jefterson 
were too much directed to home, to allow him to overlook 
what was going on, in the formation of the 7iew Constitu- 
tion, to which he looked with an anxiety and solicitude pro- 
portioned to the magnitude and importance of the object. 
As it will forever remain an interesting subject of rational 
curiosity, as well as of political importance to kno^y in what 
light he viewed the Constitution at the tiine of its adoption, 
I shall quote from his memoirs and correspondence, all that 
appears to bear directly upon this great point. He says, 
pa^e 63, ''Our first essay in America, to establisli a fede- 
rative government, had fallen, on trial, very short of its 
object. During the war of Independence, while the pres- 
sure of an external enemy hooped us together, and their 
enterprises kept us necessarily on the alert, the spirit of 
the people, excited by danger, was a supplement to the Con- 
federation, and urged them to zealous exertions, whether 
claimed by that instrument or not 5 but vv^hen peace and 
safety were restored, and every man became engaged in 
useful and profitable occupation, less attention was paid to 
the calls of Congress. The fundamental defect of the con- 
federation was, that Congress was not authorised to act im- 
mediately on the people, and by its own officers. Their 
power was only requisitory, and those requisitions were 
addressed to the several I^egislatures, to be by them carried 
into execution, without other coercion than the moral prin- 
ciple of duty. This allowed, in fact, a a negative to every 
Legislature, on every measure proposed by Congress^ a ne- 
gative so frequently exercised in practice, as to benumb 
the action of the federal government, and to render it inef- 
ficient in its general objects, and more especially in pecu- 
niary and foreign concerns. The want, too, of a separation 
of the legislative, executive and judiciary functions worked 
disadvantageously in practice. Yet this state of things af- 
forded a happy augury of the future march of our confede- 
racy, when it was seen that the good sense and good dispo- 
sitions of the people, as soon as they perceived the incom- 
petence of their first compact, instead of leaving its correc- 
tion to insurrection and civil war, agreed, with one voice, 
to elect deputies to a general Convention, who should 
peaceably meet and agree on such a Constitution, as would 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 215 

ensure peace, justice, liberty,' the common defence and 
general welfare. 

**This Convention met at Philadelphia, on the 25th of 
May, 1787. It sat with closed doors, and kept all its pro- 
ceedings secret until its dissolution on the irth of Septem- 
ber, when the result of its labours were published all toge- 
ther. I received a copy early in November, and read and 
contemplated its provisions vnth great satisfaction. As not 
a member of the Convention, however, nor probably a single 
citizen of the Union had approved it in all its parts, so I 
too found articles which I thought objectionable. The ab- 
sence of express declarations insuring freedom of religion, 
Ireedom of the press, freedom of the person, under the unin- 
terrupted protection of the Habeas Corpus, and trial by jury 
in civil as well as in criminal cases, excited riiy jealousy; 
and the re-eligibility of the President for life I quite disap- 
proved. I expressed freely, in letters to my friends, and 
more particularly to Mr. Madison and General Washington, 
my approbations and objections. How the good should be 
secured, and the ill brought to rights, was the difficulty. 
To refer it back to a new convention might endanger tlie 
loss of the whole. My first idea was, that the nine states 
first acting, should accept it unconditionally, and thus se- 
cure what in it was good, and that the four last should ac- 
cept on the previous condition, that certain amendments 
should be agreed to; but a better course was devised of ac- 
cepting the whole, and trusting that the good sense and 
honest intentions of our citizens would make the alterations 
which should be deemed necessary. Accordingly, all ac- 
cepted, six without objection, and seven with recommenda- 
tions of specified amendments. Those respecting the press, 
religion, and juries, with several others of great value, were 
accordingly made; but the habeas corpus was left to the 
discretion of Congress, and the amendment against the re- 
eligibility of the President was not proposed. My fears of 
that feature were founded on the importance of the office, 
on the fierce contentions it mio-ht excite among ourselves, 
if continuable for life, and the dangers of interference, 
either with money or arms, by foreign nations, to whom the 
choice of an American President might become interesting. 
Examples of this abounded in history; in the case of the 
Roman emperors, for instance — of the popes, while of any 
significance — of the German emperors, the kings of Poland, 



216 THE LIFE OF 

and the Deys of Barbary. I had observed, too, in the feudal 
history, and in the recent instance, particularly, of the Stad^ 
tholder of Holland, how easily offices or tenures for life, 
slide into inheritances. My wish, therefore, was that 
the President should be elected for seven ye.ars^ and be in- 
elijrible afterwards. This term I thought suthcient to ena- 
ble him, with the concurrence of the Legislature, to carry- 
through and establish any system of improvement he should 
propose for the general good. But the practice adopted, I 
think, is better — allowing his continuance for eight years, 
M^ith a liability to be dropped at half-way of the term, mak- 
ing that a period of probation. ■' That his continuance 
should be restrained to seven years was the opinion of the 
Convention at an earlier stage of its session, when it voted 
that term, by a majority of eight against two, and by a sim- 
ple majority that he should be ineligible a second time. This 
opinion was confirmed by the House so late as July 26, 
referred to the committee of detail, reported favourably by 
them, and changed to the present form by final vote, on the 
last day but one only of their session Of this change, three 
States expressed their disapprobation — New York, by re- 
commending an amendment that the President should not 
be eligible a third time, and Virginia and North Carolina 
that he should not be capable of serving more than eiglit 
in any term of sixteen years; and although this amendment 
has not been made in form, yet practice seems to have esta- 
blished it. The example of four Presidents voluntarily 

* Mr. Jefferson was evidently too much of a politician to give the 
true definition of the first term of four years; and instead of * proba- 
tion' I should propose to substitute the word popnlnvity, 'making' 
that a term of popularity,' chu-ing- which tlie President couiits the 
PEOPLE roil A ni:-ELECTiox, and does nothing for the g'ood of the na- 
tion; and having secured a re-election, he then acts with an eye to 
history, and does all the good he canto secure himself tlie universal 
applause of all parties, 'this shows /o»r years to be sufficient for the 
PUBEic GOOD, but not enough for private ambition; and we may justly 
indulge a regret, that one so celebrated for his pi-ofession of republican 
doctrines as Mr. Jefferson, should in the same breath deprecate long 
tenures of office, and yet oppose short ones; after experience, too, 
had so fully demonstrated, that the first four years was the rule of 
the demagog-ue, and the last foiu- the administration of the patriot! 
The first four to organise a party for re-election, and the last four to 
perform what he was originally elected to do, but neglected, to attend 
to partisan arrangements. Not so, however, with Washington! ! ! 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. glf 

retiring at the end of their eighth year, and tlie progress of 
public opinion, that the principle is salutary, have given it 
in practice the force of precedent and usage; insomuch, that 
should a President consent to be a candidate for a third 
election, I trust he would be rejected, on this demonstra- 
tion of ambitious views.* 

"But there was another amendment, of which none of us 
thought at the time, and in the omission of which lurks the 
germ that is to destroy this happy combination of national 
powers, in the general government, formatters of National 
concern, and independent powers in the States, for what 
concerns the States severally. In England, it was a great 
point, gained at tlie Revolution, that the commissions of 
the Judges, which had hitherto been during pleasure, should 
thenceforth be made during good beliaviour. A Judiciary 
dependent on the will of the King, had proved itself the 
most oppressive of all tools in the hands of that magistrate. 
Nothing then could be more salutary, tlian a change there, 
to the tenure of good behaviour; and the question of good 
beliaviour left to tlie vote of a simple majority in tlie two 
houses of Parliament. Before the Revolution, we were all 
good English whigs, cordial in their free principles, and in 
llieir jealousies of their executive magistrate. These jea- 
lousies are very apparent in all our State constitutions; and 
in the general government, in this instance, we have gone 
even beyond the English caution, by requiring a vote of 
two-thirds, in one of the Houses, for removing a Judge; a 
vote so impossible, where any defence is made, before men 
of ordinary prejudices and passions, that our Judges are 
effectually independent of the nation. But this ought not 
to be. I would not, indeed, make them dependent on the 
Executive authority, as they formerly were in England; but 
I deem it indispensable to the continuance of this govern- 
ment, that they should be submitted to some practical and 
impartial control; and that this to be impartial, must be 



* This precedent was entirely accidental, Washin^on liaving de- 
tei-mined to retire at the end of four years; but being- restrained from 
that course by the peculiar pressure of the pubhc exigencies, which 
he tlioug-ht rendered it a point of honour to continue, until the diffi- 
culties of the country could be adjusted. To settle those difficulties, 
he reluctantly stood a second term: but his opinion was decidedly in 
favour of ONE teum! 

T 



218 THE LIFE OF 

compounded of a mixture of State and Federal authorities. =■ 
It is not enough that honest men are appointed Judges. All 
know the influence of interest on the mind of man, and how 
unconsciously his judgment is warped by that influence. 
To this bias add that of the esprit tie corps, of their peculiar 
maxim and creed that 'it is the office of a good Judge to 
enlarge his jurisdiction;' and the absence of responsibility : 
and how can we expect impartial decision between the Ge- 
neral Government, of which they are themselves so eminent 
a part, and an individual State, from which they have no- 
thing to hope or fear? We have seen, too, that contrary to 
all correct example, they are in the habit of going out of the 
question before them, to throw an anchor ahead, and grapple 
further hold for future advances of power. They are then, 
in fact, the corps of sappers and miners, steadily working 
to undermine the independent rights of the States, and to 
consolidate all power in the hands of that government, in 
which they have so important a freehold estate. " 

Although I have ever been prejudiced against the Supreme 
Court, and in favour of State rights, yet I cannot conceive 
how that tribunal can ever decide against i\i^ consolidation 
features of the constitution. That court was not constituted 
as a conservative tribunal of the rights of the States,, but as 
a conservative tribunal of the power of the United States. 
Without the Supreme Court, as now organised, the consti- 
tution is nothing. The States have the remedy of an ap- 

* Mr. Jefferson does not reason here with his wonted log-Ical pre- 
cision. He admits that Judg-es being- men, must have some bias of 
interest or feehng-; and cannot therefore be impartial; yet he con- 
tends for an impartial power to which they shall beheld responsible ! 
The mixture of State and Federal authorities, must, however, be 
composed of men; and why should they be more impartial than th6 
Judges? This is reasoning- in a circle, and contending- for an Utopia. 
If the independence of the Judiciary is sound doctrine in Eng-land, 
why not in the United States^ Because of the liability of human 
nature to be partial to itselfi" At this rate, we mig-ht abolish all g'O- 
vernment, because its ofhcers are men. I must confess, I cannot 
discern the force of Mr. Jefferson's argument. He desired to arrest 
consolidation, by making the Judges of the b'npreme Court depen- 
dent on those in favour of State rights; a bias quite as partial, and as 
destructive to the Republic as consolidation! The independence of 
the Court, strikes us as unexceptionable — but it is the Constitu- 
tion- that LEAxs to consolidation; and how can the Court escape the 
same propensity!* 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 219 

peal to public opinion, if aggressed; and such a panoply is 
more desirable than the sword of coercion^ or the tomahawk 
of civil strife. If public opinion will not redress their 
wrongs, they cannot be greatly injured. So thought Mr. 
Jefferson himself, when he indited the following letter, 
teeming with sound doctrines, conceived by the clear head 
of a republican, and approved by the sound heart of a 
philanthropist. 

In a letter to F. Hopkinson, dated Paris, March 13, 
1789, he avows himself an advocate of a consolidated 
government, and disclaims the suspicion of being an anti- 
federalist. " You say that I liave been dished up to you 
as an anti -federalist, and ask me if it be just. My opinion 
was never worthy enough of notice, to merit citing; but 
since you ask it, I will tell it to you. I am not a federalist, 
because I never submitted the whole system of my opinions 
to the creed of any party of men whatever, in religion, in 
philosophy, in politics, or in any thing else, where I was 
capable of thinking for myself. Such an addiction, is the 
last degradation of a free and moral agent.* If I could not 
go to heaven, but with a party, I would not go there at all. 
Therefore, I protest to you, I am not of the party of fede- 
ralists. But I am much farther from that of the anti-fede- 
ralists. I approved, from the first, of the great mass of 
what is in the new constitution; the consolidation of 
THE government; the organisation into executive, legisla- 
tive and judiciary; the subdivision of the legislative; the 
happy compromise of interests between the great and little 
States, by the different manner of voting in the different 
houses; the voting by persons instead of States; the qualified 
negative on laws given to the Executive, which, however, I 
should have liked better, if associated with the Judiciary 
also, as in New York; and the power of taxation. I 
thought, at first, that the latter might hare been limited. 
A little reflection soon convinced me it ought not to be. 
What I disapproved from the first moment, also, was the 
want of a bill of rights, to guard liberty against the legisla- 



* It will be observed, that this sentiment from Mr. Jefferson aims 
a blow of ignominy against all parties; and, as neither its truth, nor 
philosophy can be controverted, it only remains, that to escape it 
men must' not lose the faculty of free and moral agents, when they 
attach themselves to a party. 



220 THE LIFE OI' 

tive as well as executive branches of tlie government; that 
is to say, to secure freedom in religion, freedom of the 
press, FREEDOM FROM MONOPOLIES, freedom from unlawful 
imprisonment, freedom from a permanent military, and a 
trial by jury, in all cases determinable by the laws of the 
land. I disapproved also, the perpetual, re- eligibility of 
the President. To these points of disapprobation I adhere. 
My first wish was, that the nine first conventions might 
accept the constitution, as the means of securing to us the 
great mass of good it contained, and tliat the four last 
might reject it, as the means of obtaining amendments. 
But I was corrected in this wish, the moment I saw the 
much better plan of Massachusetts, and which had never 
occurred to me. With respect to the declaration of rights, 
I suppose the majority of the United States are of my opi- 
nion: for I apprehend, all the anti -federalists, and a very 
respectable portion of the federalists, think that such a de- 
claration should now be annexed. The enlightened part of 
Europe have given us the greatest credit for inventing this 
instrument of security for the Rights of the People, and 
have been not a little surprised, to see us so soon give it up. 
With respect to the re-eligibility of the President, I find 
myself diftering from the majority of my countrymen; for I 
think there are but three States of the eleven, which have 
desired an alteration of this. And, indeed, since the thing 
is established, / would wish it not to be altered during the 
life of our great leader,* whose executive talents are su- 
perior to those, /believe, of any man in the world, and who 
alone, by the authority of his name and the confidence re- 
posed in his perfect integrity, is fully qualified to put the 
new Government sounder way, as to secure it against the 
efforts of opposition. But having derived from our 
error all the good there was in it, I hope we shall correct 
it the moment we can no longer have the same name at 
the helm. 

'' These, my dear friend, are my sentiments, by which 
you will see I was right in saying, I am neither federalist, 
nor anti-federalist; that I am of neither party, nor yet a 
trimmer between parties. These, my opinions, I wrote 
within a few hours after I had read the constitution, to one 
or two friends in America. I had not then read one single 

* Wasuikoton! 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 2S1 

word printed on the subject. I never had an opinion in 
politics or religion, which I was afraid to own. A costive 
reserve on these subjects, might have procured me more 
esteem from some people, but less from myself. " 

Thus he wrote to Mr. Hopkinson in March, 1789j but, 
in another to Mr. Madisoyi, ia 1787, he expressed an opi- 
nion essentially varied as to the consolidated power of 
government. 

" I own I am not a friend to a very energetic government; 
it is always oppressive ;"it places the governors indeed more 
at their ease, but at the expense of the people. The late re- 
bellion in Massachusetts, has given more alarm than I think 
it should have done. Calculate that one rebellion in thirteen 
States, in the course of eleven years, is but one for each State 
in a century and a half. No Country should be so long 
WITHOUT ONE, nor will any degree of power in the hands 
of government prevent insurrections. In England, where 
the hand of power is heavier than with us, there are seldom 
half a dozen years without an insurrection. In France, 
where it is still heavier, but less despotic, as Montesquieu 
supposes, than in some other countries, and where there are 
always two or three hundred thousand men ready to crush 
insurrections, there have been three in the course of the 
three years I have been here, in everyone of which, greater 
numbers were engaged than in Massachusetts, and a great 
deal more blood was spilt. In Turkey, where the sole nod 
of the despot is death, insurrections are the events of every 
day. Compare again the ferocious depredations of their 
insurgents with the order, the moderation, and the almost 
self-extinguishment of ours, and say, finally, whether peace 
is best preserved by giving energy to the government, or 
information to the people. This last is the most certain 
and the m,ost legitimate engine of government. Educate 
and inform the whole mass of the people, enable tliem to see 
that it is their interest to preserve peace and order, and 
they will preserve it; and it requires no very high degree 
of education to convince them of this; they are the only sure 
reliance for the preservation of our liberty. After all, it is 
my principle, that the will of the majority should prevail. 
If they approve the proposed constitution in all its parts, I 
shall concur in it cheerfully, in hopes they will mend it, 
whenever they shall find it works wrong. This reliance 
T 2 



222 THE LIFE OF 

cannot deceive us as long as we remain virtuous^ and I 
think we shall be so, as long as agriculture is our principal 
object, which will be the case while there remain vacant 
lands in any part of America." 

Mr. Jefferson's sentiments on the French Revolution^ are 
given with a fulness and frankness in his Memoirs, which 
renders them not less important than interesting; and a just 
appreciation of his character and conduct in relation to that 
splendid, yet melancholy era, demands that I should here 
transcribe those opinions which he deliberately recorded 
with his own hand. After speaking of the escort of the 
King, by a garde Bourgeoise to his palace at Versailles, 
amidst the cry of '' Vive le Boy et la Nation^'''^ he thus 
remarks: '^' And here, again, was lostanother precious occa- 
sion of sparing to France the crimes and cruelties through 
which she has since passed, and to Europe, and finally 
America, the evils which flowed on them also from this mor- 
tal source. The King was now become a passive machine 
in the hands of the National Assembly, and had he been left 
to himself, he would have willingly acquiesced in whatever 
they should devise as best for the nation. A wise consti- 
tution would have been formed, hereditary in his line, him- 
self placed at its head, with pov/ers so large, as to enable 
him to do all the good of his station, and so limited, as to 
restrain him from its abuse. This he would have faithfully 
administered, and more than this I do not believe he ever 
wished. But he had a Queen of absolute sway over hisv/eak 
mind and timid virtue, and of a character the reverse of his 
in all points. This angel, as gaudily painted in the rhap- 
sodies of Burke, with some smartness of fancy, but no sound 
sense, was proud, disdainful of restraint, indignant at all 
obstacles to her v/ill, eager in the pursuit of pleasure, and 
firm enough to hold to her desires, or perish in their wreck. 
Her inordinate gambling and dissipations, with those of the 
Count D'Artois, and others of her clique^ had been a sen- 
sible item in the exhaustion of the treasury, which called 
into action the reforming hand of the nation; and her oppo- 
sition to it, her inflexible perverseness, and dauntless spirit 
led herself to the Guillotine, drew the King on with her, and 
plunged the world into crimes and calamities, which will for- 
ever stain the pages of modern history. I ever have believed, 
that had there been no queen, there would have been no 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 223 

revolution.* No force would have been provoked nor 
exercised. The king would have gone hand in hand with 
the wisdom of his sounder counsellors,* who, guided by the 
increased lights of the age, wished only, with the same 
pace, to advance the principles of their social constitution. 
The deed, which closed the mortal course of these sove- 
reigns, I shall neither approve nor condem. I am not pre- 
pared to say that the first magistrate of a nation cannot 
commit treason against his country, or is unamenable to its 
punishment; nor yet, that where there is no written law, 
no regulated tribunal, there is not a law in our hearts, and 
a power in our hands, given for righteous employment in 
maintaining right and redressing wrong. Of those, ^ho 
judged the King, many thought him wilfully criminal; many, 
that his existence would keep the nation in perpetual con- 
flict with the horde of kings, who would war against a re- 
generation which might come home to themselves, and that 
it were better that one should die them all. I should not 
have voted with this portion of the Legislature. I should 
have shut up the queen in a convent, putting harm out of 
her power, and placed the king in his station, investing him 
with limited powers, which, I verily believe, he would 
have honestly exercised, according to the measure of his un- 
derstanding. In this way, no void would have been created, 
courting the usurpation of a military adventurer,! nor oc- 
casion given for those enormities which demoralized the 
nations of the world, and destroyed, and is yet to destoy, 
millions and millions of its inhabitants. There are three 
epochs in history, signalised by the total extinction of na- 
tional morality.^ The first was of the successors of Alex- 
ander, not omitting himself; the next, the successors of the 
first Caesar; the third, our own age. I'his was begun by 
the partition of Poland, followed by that of the treaty of 
Pilnitz; next the conflagration of Copenhagen; then the 
enormities of Bonaparte, partitioning the earth at his 
will, and devastating it with fire and sword; now the con- 
spiracy of Kings, the successors of Bonaparte, blasphe- 
mously calling themselves the Holy Alliance, and treading 

* This is but a poor compliment to the French people, even under 
the theory expounded by Mr. Jefferson. 

f A coarse title for the first man of his ag-e — the wonder of the 
whole world! !! 



224 THE LIFE OF 

in the footsteps of their incarcerated leader; not yet, indeed 
usurping the government of other nations, avowedly and, 
in detail, but controlling, by their armies, the forms in which 
they will permit th>em to be governed; and reserving, i?i 
petto, the order and extent of the usurpations further medi- 
tated. But I will return from a digression, anticipated too, 
in time, into which I have been led by reflection on the 
criminal passions which refused to the world a favourable 
occasion of saving it from the afflictions it has since suf- 
fered." 

Having obtained leave of absence to return to Virginia, 
upon some domestic engagements, Mr. Jefferson landed at 
Norfolk, on the 23d of November, and proceeded on to 
Eppington, the residence of his connection, Mr. Eppes, 
where he was greeted by an express from President Wash- 
ington, covering his appointment as Secretary of State* 
Upon this subject Mr. Jefferson thus expresses his feelings, 
which it is due to truth to say, do not correspond with his 
usual warmth of heart, or his well known aspiration after 
political celebrity: " I received it with real regret. My 
wish had been to return to Paris, where I had left my 
household establishment, as if there myself, and to see the 
end of the revolution; which, I then thought, would be 
certainly and happily closed in less than a year. I then 
meant to return home, to withdraw from political life, into 
which I had been impressed by the circumstances of the 
times, to sink into the bosom of my family and friends, and 
devote myself to studies more congenialio my mind.* In 
my answer of December 15, I expressed these dispositions 
candidly to the President, and my preference of a return to 
Paris; but assured him, that if it was believed I could be 
more useful in the administration of the government, I 
would sacrifice my own inclinations without hesitation, and 
repair to that destination; this I left to his decision. I 
arrived at Monticello on the 23d of December, where I 
received a second letter from the President, expressing his 
continued wish that I should take my station there, but 



* Here we behold one of those traits of intellectual dissimulation, 
peculiar to men, who, combining' literary talents with political 
address, so often leads those possessed of them to deceive the world, 
when they cannot even succeed in deceiving" themselves into the 
belief of their own sincerity. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 225 

leaving me still at liberty to continue in my former office, 
if / could not reconcile myself to that now proposed. This 
silenced my reluctance, and I accepted the new appoint- 
ment. " 

I must here pause for a moment, to indulge in those 
reflections which naturally arise from this elevation of the 
statesman of Monticello, to the most lofty station in the 
cabinet of our greatest and best President; and which con- 
stitutes one of those emphatic eras in the life of a politician, 
which decide and involve his future destiny. This may be 
considered the first period of the life of this singular and 
extraordinary man; singular for his genius, and extraordi- 
nary for his profound and diversified acquirements. Few 
men had made such rapid progress from the obscure condi- 
tion of a county court lawyer, to the brilliant eminence of 
Secretary of State under George Washington; from being 
a member of the General Assembly of Virginia, to become 
the first statesman of the United States; and to maintain a 
rank in philosophy and learning, second only to the most 
distinguished literati of Europe. Genius and volition of 
the highest order could alone have subjugated that immense 
space to the empire of greatness, which had divided the 
youthful attorney from the post he was now called upon to 
fill; and from which, as on an eminence, he could look down 
upon the past covered with its shadows; and up to the 
future, glittering with the most resplendent prospect of 
honour and renown. He was now called to a station, 
which genius, fired with ambition, occupies as a starting 
point for higher exaltation; and which unleavened medi- 
ocrity only, takes possession of as the final seat of its dis- 
tinction, and the satisfying"" object of its ambition. Mr. 
Jefterson belonged to the first class of soaring and kindling 
minds, that never enjoy rest until they have attained glory, 
and which never pauses at a point of advancement short of 
the apex of worldly honour or political power. The mo- 
tives, therefore, which induced his acceptance of this ap- 
pointment, were derived from thoughts and feelings of a 
higher reach, and loftier tone, than any of those common- 
place considerations which look to the emolument of the 
office before him, or to the accommodation of the personage 
who tenders it. 

During his stay at home, his eldest daughter was now 
married to Mr. Randolph, ' a young gentleman of genius, 



226 THE LIFE OF 

science and honourable mind 5' who afterwards became 
Governor of Virginia. 

Mr. Jefterson left Monticello, for New York, on the 1st 
of March, 1790, to enter on tlie duties of his new office. 
At Philadelphia, he called on Dr. Franklin, who was then 
on his death-bed, and who conversed with him with the 
resignation of a philosopher, and the animation of an en- 
thusiast for liberty. The doctor confided to him a MS. 
memoir of his life, which Mr. Jefterson, under a mistaken 
idea of the trust reposed in him, afterwards delivered into 
the hands of his grandson, William Temple Franklin. 
This memoir Mr. Jefterson represents as containing impor- 
tant details: among others he thus relates a very important 
one, " I remember, he says, speaking of secret negociations 
of Franklin, to accommodate matters between the Colonies 
and Great Britain, that Lord North's answers were dry, 
unyielding, in the spirit of unconditional submission, and 
betrayed an absolute indifference to the occurrence of a 
rupture 5 and he said to the mediators distinctly, at last, 
that ' a rebellion was not to be deprecated on the part of 
Great Britaiii; that the confiscations it would produce would 
provide for many of their friends. ' This expression was 
reported by the mediators to Dr. Franklin." Here the 
negociation stopped. 

Mr. Jefferson reached New York on the 21st March, 
while Congress was in session; and commenced his duties 
as Secretary of State, under George Washington ! 

In a letter to General W^ashington, dated April 16, 1784, 
Mr. Jefterson gives, at full length, his objections to the 
institution of the Cincinatti; from whicli I must take an 
extract of a brief passage: "The objections of those who 
are opposed to the institution shall be briefly sketched. 
You will readily fill them up. Tliey urge that it is against 
the confederation, against the letter of some of our consti- 
tutions, against the spirit of all of them; that the founda- 
tion, on which all these are built, is the natural equality'^ of 

* Mr. Jefferson here reasons with less closeness than is common 
to liim; there is no natural equahty in man, but that all possess, in an 
equal degree, a natural rig-htto happhiess is another, and a more i-a- 
tional proposition. Metaphysical equality of rig-ht is a much sounder 
docti-ine than the physical, or metaphysical equality of mankind; 
for no two men are equal in body, or mind. The pernicious doctrines 
fashionable in the era of the French revolution, are now exploded 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 227" 

man, the denial of every pre-eminence but that annexed to 
legal office,! and particularly the denial of a pre-eminence 
by birth; that, however, in their present dispositions, citi- 
zens might decline accepting honorary instalments into 
the order, but a time may come when a well directed dis- 
tribution of them might draw into the order all the men of 
talents, of office and wealth: and, in this case, would pro- 
bably procure an engraftment into the government; that in 
this they will be, supported by their foreign members, and 
the wishes and influence of foreign courts; that experience 
has shown that the hereditary branches of modern govern- 
ments are the patrons of privilege and prerogative, and not 
of the natural rights of the people, whose oppressors they 
generally are; that, beside these evils, which are remote, 
others may take place more immediately; that a distinction 
is kept up between the civil and military, which it is for 
the happiness of both to obliterate; that when the members ^ 
assemble they will be proposing to do sometliing, and what 
that something may be, will depend on actual circum- 
stances; that being an organized body, under habits of sub- 
ordination, the first obstruction to enterprize will be already 
surmounted; that the moderation and virtue of a single 
character have probably prevented this revolution from 
being closed, as most others have been, by a subversion of 
that liberty it was intended to establish; that he is not im- 
mortal, and his successor, or some of his successors, may 
be led by false ccdculations into a less certain road to gloryy 

It has always been known that Mr. Jefferson v/as op- 
posed to the institution of the Cincinatti, as containing the 
germ of an hereditary nobility, but to what precise extent 
he carried his objections, I was never able to discover, until 
I met with the foregoing letter, published by his grandson, 
in the volume that contains his memoir of his own life. It 
appears, from the foregoing extract, that he opposed it on 
the broadest grounds of democracy, equality, and popidar 
sovereignty and rule. 

His letters from Paris, in 1785 and '86, to Washington 



for others, of more enlarged benevolence, yet equally favourable to 
liberty. 

f Mr. Jefferson could not mean to deny the natural pre-eminence 
of g-enius, and the acquired superiority of learning-, skill and ex- 
iperience! 



228 THE LIFE OF 

himself, as well as to otliers, breathe the purest attachment 
and the highest veneration for that great patriot; from whom 
he does not seem to have been alienated till subsequent 
events, and pregnant ambition, begot feelings of an oppo- 
site nature; all generated by the new situation which he 
was called on to occupy in the new government. It is re- 
markable, too, that at tlie dates here referred to, he took 
peculiar pleasure in discoursing of matters connected with 
pomp, splendour and ceremony; so that the Court of Ver- 
sailles, instead of disgusting his republican taste, seems, on 
the contrary, to have been highly pleasing to him. Being 
intrusted, at this time, with a commission to procure an 
artist to execute an equestrian statue of Washington, he 
appears to have taken great pleasure, and spent much pains 
in that undertaking; which led him to a protracted corres- 
pondence, in which his overflowing affection for Washing- 
ton was constantly manifested, and which could not fail to 
awaken in the breast of the first President a corresponding 
sentiment of attachment, esteem and confidence. But this 
friendship was now to undergo the severest trials, by being 
subjected to the test of ambition, and exposed to the temp- 
tations of envy, and the jealous pangs of beholding the 
favour of the chief magistrate extended to others, who stood 
in his pathway to the highest point of honour. Let no man 
say, when he climbs ambition's ladder, that he will stop 
half way, and that he desires not to ascend to the top: let 
no man delude his judgment, by hoping to reconcile the 
claims of friendship and gratitude with the lusts of ambi- 
tion; or think to remain free from the fever while he gives 
his heart up to the flusli of power, and riots in visions of 
future greatness ! Fatal delusion! The moment he plants 
his foot on the political ladder, the delirium of his head 
overbalances the pulsations of his heart, he swims on clouds, 
and he ceases to Vv^alk the earth until he can walk over men i 
Mr. Jefferson now took his station as the second officer 
of the federal government; second only in political impor- 
tance, official dignity, and arduous responsibility of duty, 
to that occupied by the illustrious Washington, who had 
called him to the discharge of its functions. At all times 
demanding, in the incumbent, a happy combination of pro- 
found learning, vigorous talents, and extensive, as well as 
varied acquirements, the office of Secretary of State, at the 
commencement of the new government, required those 



Thomas jeffersoj^. Q,^Q 

qualities in an eminent degree to be united in the man who 
should be called to fulfil its duties, for the first time, under 
an untried constitution. Happily all these requisites were 
combined, in a most extraordinary and singular manner, ill 
the person and intellect of Mr. Jefterson, who, fortunately 
for his country, combined the most elevated ardour of pa- 
triotism with the sterling splendour of genius and learning. 

To attend Mr. Jefferson through all the detail of his 
official duties, as Secretary of State, would be to compile 
a history of that department, instead of sketching a bio- 
graphy of this eminent man. I shall, therefore, confine 
myself to the delineation of those traits of character w hich 
become displayed in strong contrast of opposition to the 
views and principles of those with whom he was associated; 
his mere ability, so far as it related to the performance of 
his official functions, being too universally applauded, and 
too justly appreciated, to be open to higher encomium, or 
more rigid criticism, than that throug^i which his merits 
have been established. 

The first question which elicited that contrariety of views 
and principles, which existed between Jefferson and the 
President, was the incorporation of the Bank of the 
United States. That measure having produced a deep 
excitement in both Houses of Congress, as -involving funda- 
mental principles of constitutional power, naturally awa- 
kened the well -approved patriotism of Washington, v/hich 
induced him to pause and deliberate with his usual coolness 
and ability, before he decided upon its final adoption. For 
this purpose, he requested a written investigation of the 
merits of the question from Mr. Jefferson, in common with 
the other members of his cabinet; in complying with which, 
this illustrious statesman exhibited a power of reasoning not 
inferior in brilliancy to that solidity of principle upon which 
he rested as the foundation of his arguments. Simple, broad, 
and comprehensive in his premises, he went upon the self- 
evident axiom that a limited constitution, restricted by spe- 
cial grants of power, could not authorise a sovereign exer- 
cise of authority, which no part of that instrument allowed, 
or granted in express terms — that the power to create a na- 
tional bank was in its very nature too vast and influential 
over the whole rights and interests of the people, to be either 
a necessary or an incidental power, to others expressly 
granted — and that it were better for the harmony and suc- 



230 THE LIFE OF 

ces3 of the whole Union-, to forego the exercise of a doubtful 
power than to breed endless dissentions and heart-burnings, 
by assuming an authority which could not be sustained by 
th« letter of the Constitution^ to observe which the govern- 
ment was bound in the exercise of substantive powers. In 
this powerful and masterly elucidation of one of the most 
controverted features of the federal government, he was 
decidedly opposed, by the eloquent and brilliant exposition 
of Alexander Hamilton, who, reasoning on opposite princi- 
ples, and leaning to a government of more energetic and 
comprehensive genius, naturally carried with him the al- 
ready prepossessed judgment of the President. But neither 
the force of Hamilton's reasoning, nor the hourly augment- 
ing weight of the influence of Washington himself, have 
been able to settle this perturbed question; while the mas- 
terly, but simple edifice of free principles, erected by the 
republican logic of Jefferson, will forever remain a monu- 
ment of that stern, inflexible and uncompromising democracy 
which made him so emphatically the man of the people; and 
which have consecrated his labours upon this subject as a 
perpetual rallying point for the advocates of free principles, 
State rights, and equality of privileges. 

As some curiosity will naturally be excited to see this 
report of Mr. Jefferson upon the Bank of the United States, 
and as it is to be found in but few works, accessible to the 
general class of readers, I shall here extract it. 



GRESS TO ESTABLISH A NATIONAL BANK. 

The Bill for establishing a National Bank, undertakes, 
among other things, 

1st. To form the subscribers into a corporation. 

2d. To enable them, in their corporate capacities, to re- 
ceive grants of land, and so far, is against the laws oi mort- 
Tnain. * 

3d. To make alien subscribers capable of holding lands; 
and so far is against the laws of alienage. 

4th. To transmit these lands, on the death of a proprie- 

* Though the Constitution controls the laws of mortmain, so far 
as to permit Confess itself to hold lands for certain purposes, yet 
not so far as to permit them to communicate a similar right to other 
corporate bodies* 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 231 

tor, to a certain line of successors; and so far, changes the 
course of descents. 

5th. To put the lands out of the reach of forfeiture or 
escheat; and so far, is against the laws of forfeiture and 
escheat. 

6th. To transmit personal chattels to successors in a 
certain line; and so far is against the laws of distribution. 

rth. To give them the sole and exclusive right of banking 
under the national authority; and so far, is against the laws 
of monopoly. 

8. To communicate to them a power to make laws para- 
mount to the laws of the States; for so they must be con- 
strued to protect the institution from the control of the 
State Legislatures; and so, probably, they will be construed. 

I consider the foundation of the Constitution as laid on 
the ground that ' all powers not delegated to the United 
States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it, to the States, 
are reserved to the States, or to the people.' (Twelth 
Amendment. ) To take a single step beyond the boundaries 
thus specially drawn around the powers of Congress, is to 
take possession of a boundless field of power, no longer sus- 
ceptible of any definition. 

The incorporation of a bank, and the powers assumed by 
this Bill, have not, in my opinion, been delegated to the 
United States by the Constitution. 

I. They are not among the powers specially enumerated. 
For these are, 

1. A power to lay taxes for the purpose of paying the 
debts of the United States; but no debt is paid by this bill, 
nor any tax laid. Were it a bill to raise money, its origina- 
tion in the Senate would condemn it by the Constitution. 

2. To ' borrow money.' But this bill neither borrows 
money, nor insures the borrowing of it. The proprietors 
of the Bank will be just as free as any other money holders, 
to lend or not to lend their money to the public. The ope- 
ration proposed in the Bill, first to lend them two millions, 
and then borrow them back again, cannot cliange the nature 
of the latter act, which will still be a payment, and not a 
loan, call it by what name you please. 

3. ' To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among 
the States, and with the Indian tribes. ' To erect a bank, 
and to regulate commerce, are very different acts. He who 
erects a bank, creates a subject of commerce in its bills: so 



232 THE LIFE OF 

does he who makes a bushel of wheat, or digs a dollar out 
of the mines. Yet neither of these persons regulate com- 
merce thereby. To make a thing which may be bought and 
sold, is not to prescribe regulations for buying and selling. 
Besides, if this were an exercise of the power of regulating 
commerce, it would be void, as extending as much to the 
internal commerce of every State, as to its external. For 
the power given to Congress by the Constitution, does not ' 
extend to the internal regulation of the commerce of a State, 
(that is to say, of the commerce between citizen and citizen,) 
which remains exclusively with its own Legislature, but to 
its external commerce only; that is to say, its commerce with 
another State, or with foreign nations, or with the Indian 
tribes. Accordingly, the Bill does not propose the mea- 
sure as a 'regulation of trade,' but as ' productive of con- 
siderable adK^antage to trade.' 

Still less are these powers covered by any other of the 
special enumerations. 

II. Nor are they within either of the general phrases, 
which are the two following: 

1. To lay taxes, to provide for the general welfare of the 
United States; that is to say, 'to lay taxesybr the purpose 
of providing for the general welfare.' For the laying of 
taxes is the power, and the general welfare the purpose, for 
which the power is to be exercised. Congress are not to 
lay taxes ad libitum, for any purpose they please; but only 
to pay the debts, or provide for the welfare of the Union. In 
like manner, they are not to do any thing they please, to 
provide for the general welfare, but only to lay taxes for 
that purpose. To consider the latter phrase, not as de- 
scribing the purpose of the first, but as giving a distinct 
and independent power to do any act they please, which 
might be for the good of the Union, would render all the 
preceding and subsequent enumerations of power complete- 
ly useless. It would reduce the whole instrument to a 
single phrase, that of instituting a Congress with power to 
do whatever would be for the good of the United States; 
and as they would be the sole judges of the good or evil, it 
would be also a power to do whatever evil they pleased. 
It is an established rule of construction, where a phrase 
will bear either of two meanings, to give it that which will 
allow some meaning to the other parts of the instrument, 
and not that which will render all the others useless. Cer- 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 233 

taitily, no such universal power was meant to be given them. 
It was intended to lace them up straightly within the enu- 
merated powers, and those without which, as means, these 
powers could not be carried into effect. It is known that 
the very power now proposed as a ineans was rejected as 
an end by the Convention which formed the Constitution. 
A proposition was made to them to authorise Congress to 
open canals, and an amendatory one to empower them to 
incorporate; but the whole was rejected; and one of the 
reasons of rejection urged in debate was, that they then 
would have a power to erect a bank, which would render 
the great cities, where there were prejudices and jealousies 
on that subject, adverse to the reception of the Constitution. 

2. The second general phrase is, ' to make ail laVvS 
necessary and proper for carrying into execution the enu- 
merated powers. ' But they can all be carried into execution 
without a bank. A bank, therefore, is not necessary, and 
consequently, not authorised by this phrase. 

It has been much urged, that a bank will give great faci- 
lity or convenience in the collection of taxes. Suppose this 
were true; yet the constitution allows only the means which 
are ' necessary, ' not those which are merely convenient, 
for effecting the enumerated powers. If such a latitude of 
construction be allowed to this phrase, as to give any non- 
enumerated power, it will go to every one; for there is no 
one which ingenuity may not torture into a co?ivenience in 
some icay or other to some one of so long a list of enume^ 
rated powers. It w^ould swallow up all the delegated pow- 
ers, and reduce the whole to one phrase, as before observed. 
Therefore it was, that the constitution restrained them to 
the necessary means, that is to say, to those means without 
which the grant of the power would be nugatory. 

''But let us examine this ' convenience,' and see M^iatit 
is. The report on this subject, (page 2,) states the only ge-- 
neral convenience to be, the preventing the transportation 
and retransportation of money between the States and the 
treasury. (For I pass over the increase of the circulating 
medium ascribed to it as a merit, and which, according to 
my ideas of paper money, is clearly a demerit.) Every 
State will have to pay a sum of tax money into the treasury; 
and the treasury will have to pay, in every State, a part of 
the interest on the public debt, and salaries to the officers 
of government resident in that State. In most of the 

U2 



g34 THE LIFE OF 

States there will still be a surplus of tax money to come up 
to the seat of government for the officers residing there. 
The payments of interest and salary in each State, may be 
made by treasury orders on the State collector. This will 
take up the greater part of the money he has collected in 
his State, and consequently prevent the great mass of it 
from being drawn out of the State. If there be a balance 
-of commerce in favour of that State, against the one in 
which the government resides, the surplus of taxes will be 
remitted by the bills of exchange drawn for that commercial 
balance. And so it must be if there were a bank. But if 
there be no balance of commerce, either director circuitous, 
all the banks in the world could not bring the surplus of 
taxes but in the form of money. Treasury orders, then, 
and bills of exchange, may prevent the displacement of the 
main mass of the money collected, without the aid of any 
bank; and where these fail, it cannot be prevented, even 
with that aid. 

Perhaps, indeed, bank bills may be a more convenient 
vehicle than treasury orders. But a little difference in the 
degree of convenience, cannot constitute the necessity 
which the constitution makes the ground for assuming any 
non-enumerated power. 

Besides, the existing banks will, without doubt, enter 
into arrangements for lending their agency, and the more 
favourable, as there will be a competition among them for 
it. Whereas, this bill delivers us up bound to the na^- 
tional bank, who are free to refuse all arrangements but on 
their own terms, and the public not free, on such refusal, 
to employ any other bank. That of Philadelphia, I believe, 
now does this business by their post notes, which, by an 
arrangement with the treasury, are paid by any State coU 
lector, to whom they are presented. This expedient, alone, 
suffices to prevent the existence of that necessity \\\\\q\\ may 
justify the assumption of a non-ennmerated power as a 
means for carrying into effect an enumerated one. The 
thing may be done, and has been done, and well done, 
without this assumption; therefore, it does not stand on that 
degree of necessity which can honestly justify it. 

It may be said, that a bank whose bills would have a cur- 
rency all over the States, would be more convenient than 
one whose currency is limited to a single State. vSo it would 
be still more convenient, that there should be a bank whose 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 235 

bills should have a currency all over the world. But it 
does not follow from this superior conveniency, that there 
exists any where a power to establish such a bank, or that 
the world may not go on very well without it. 

Can it be thought, that the Constitution intended, that for 
a shade or two oi' convenience, more or less. Congress should 
be authorised to break down the most ancient and funda' 
mental laws of the several States, such as those against 
mortmain, the laws of alienage, the rules of descent, the 
acts of distribution, the laws of escheat and forfeiture, and 
the laws of monopoly. Nothing but a necessity invincible 
by any other means, can justify such a prostration of laws 
which constitute the pillars of our whole system of juris- 
prudence. Will Congress be too straight-laced to carry the 
Constitution into honest eftect, unless they may pass over 
the foundation laws of the State governments, for the 
slightest convenience to theirs.^ 

The negative of the President is the shield provided by 
the Constitution, to protest against the invasions of the Le- 
gislature j^r*^, the rights of the Executive; second, of the 
Judiciary; third, of the States and State Legislatures. The 
present is the case of a right remaining exclusively with the 
States, and is, consequently, one of those intended by the 
Constitution to be placed under his protection. 

It must be added, however, that unless the President's 
mind, on a view of every thing which is urged for and 
against this bill, is tolerably clear that it is unauthorised by 
the constitution, if the pro and the con hang so even as to 
balance his judgment, a just respect for the wisdom of the 
Legislature, would naturally decide the balance in favour 
of their opinion. It is chiefly for cases where they are clearly 
misled by error, ambition or interest, that the Constitution 
has placed a check in the negative of the President. 

February 15, 1791. TH. JEFFERSON. 

Congress, aware of the great importance of the cod and 
whale fisheries, had directed the attention of the Secretary 
of State to those subjects; and Mr. Jefterson, in compliance 
with a resolution of that body, made a report to Congress 
on the 1st of February, 1791, embracing a comprehensive 
enquiry into the nature and tendency of that trade, and 
taking a wide survey of its benefits, advantages, and bear- 
ings, as well in a national point of view, as in its effects and 



236 THE LIFE OF 

operations upon the prosperity and happiness of the people 
in general. Among other points that he elucidated with 
the hand of a master in tins report, was the influence of that 
trade in bettering the condition of the labouring classes, by 
reducing tlie cost of the ftrst necessary of life — food; and 
the means it provided for rearing a hardy and skilful race 
of brave seamen; its extension of the commerce of the 
country; its efficacy as the means of defence in war; audits 
inestimable value as a nursery for seamen, out of which to 
fill up the complement of our public ships of war. In fine, 
this able and profound report displayed all that variety of 
information and fullness of talent, for which its author was 
so celebrated, and which so happily qualified him to digest 
plans of national improvements; explore new sources of 
public wealth, and analyse the complicated relations of the 
most intricate and unknown branch of trade or enterprise. 
From this report, Mr. Jefferson has justly been considered 
as having a fair claim to the character of Father of the 
American Fisheries. 

In his various negociations with England and Spain, at 
this eventful period of the commencement of the new fede^ 
ral government, Mr. JeiFerson manifested that patriotism 
and benevolence for which he was always distinguished; 
and displayed that skill, learning, eloquence, and address, 
which always characterised his elegant pen. In the discus- 
sion of the violated treaties with the British minister, and 
the free navigation of the Mississippi, he illustrated these 
pre-eminent qualities of his accomplished mind in a striking 
and peculiar manner. 

I have already, in the Life of Washington, alluded to 
that trait of our national policy established by the father of 
his country, which preserved us from being entangled in 
the wars and alliances of Europe, by settling the principle 
of neutrality as the ivisest policy of the republic. On this 
occasion, Mr. Jefferson, as Secretary of State, became sig- 
nally distinguished, by his correspondence with the insolent 
Genet, who, uniting impudence to vulgarity, unwisely sup- 
posed that qualities so offensive, must necessarily consti- 
tute the essence of republican liberty. Mr. Jefferson had 
advised and fully concurred in the proclamation of neutra- 
lity between England, Holland and France; but he dis- 
sented from that position of the cabinet, which urged the 
suspension of our treaties with the latter country, during 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. S37 

the anarchy of her wild revolution, when all government 
seemed to be dissolved in oceans of blood, but which Wash- 
ington himself did not approve; so that Genet was received 
without any stipulation of suspended treaties, as the minis- 
ter of the French people. Whatever may have been Mr. 
Jefferson's partiality for the French people, and his sympathy 
for the cause of liberty, in which they were so furiously 
engaged, (and that he felt on these subjects with extreme 
w^armth, w^e have his own testimony to prove,) still he w^as 
too well instructed in his duty as a member of the govern- 
ment, to permit the influence of his feelings to bias, or 
change the current of his official duties. It is, therefore, 
more to his honour, than if he had not cherished this par- 
tiality, that he vindicated the dignity of the President, and 
defended the rights and policy of his country, in a tone of 
pure and lofty patriotism which reflected the highest credit 
on his integrity; and with a force of argument and power 
of illustration, which attested to the singular felicity of his 
genius, and the enviable stores of his knowledge. 

On the 16th of December, 1793, Mr. Jeiferson presented 
to Congress the last official paper, of which he was the 
author, under the administration of George W^ashington: 
this was a report on the commerce and navigation of the 
United States, in its relation to foreign governments, with 
suggestions as to what measures it may be expedient to 
adopt, to improve and extend the same. 

This report has derived additional importance from its 
recognition of principles which assimilate closely with the 
doctrines of Free Trade, and yet embrace the contingency 
of a Protective TARrFF. He begins by considering the 
value of the articles of our export to the different countries 
with whom we exchange commodities; and then proceeds 
to investigate the restrictions which other nations huve im- 
posed upon our trade; whence he branches out into an 
appeal to Congress, to devise and adopt the most eligible 
modes for their modification, counteraction, or removal. 
He then suggests as two of the most eligible methods; 
firsts Negociations for commercial treaties on the basis of 
reciprocity; and second, Legislative enactments imposing 
counteracting restrictions upon the trade of tiiose nations 
that will not treat on the first named condition. Commer- 
cial regulations he deemed preferable, because he con- 
tended that an unshackled and free trade was the most pro- 



238 THE LIFE OF 

fitable, reasonable and just; and that the United States 
ought to hold in special favour any nation who would, by 
commencing the system, Set a good example for others to 
follow; and in the same spirit, to resist with rigorous coun- 
teracting duties, the commerce and navigation of those 
countries that pertinaciously adhered to the system of pro- 
hibitions, high duties, or vexatious exactions. An obvious 
train of powerful argument is adduced to sustain this just 
position, and recommend to national patronage the naviga- 
tion interest of the country; urging with a fervour commen- 
surate to the great importance of the question, the adoption 
of the system of national reciprocity — opposing tariff 
to tariff— Awij against duty ; but at all times giving a de- 
cided preference to free and unrestrained trade, universally 
guaranteed from all shackles by commercial treaties and 
arrangements. 

In accordance with this enlightened and masterly expo- 
sition of sound national policy, Mr. ISIadison introduced a 
series of resolutions, which were designed to give the report 
of Mr. Jefferson the sanction of legislative authority. An 
animated and prolonged debate ensued; in the course of 
which every collateral topic of a political character was 
freely and vividly discussed; the policy of the nation in 
times of war, and of peace; the hostilities of Europe; the 
progress of commerce, and the necessity of retaliation; in 
fine, every question having a main bearing on the point was 
fully analysed and expounded. It was supposed that a 
majority could have been rallied upon the passage of the 
resolutions; but they were not put to the vote, and now only 
remain a monument of that political foresight in Mr. Jeffer- 
son, and that legislative wisdom on the part of Mr. Madi- 
son, which formed such prominent characteristics of these 
eminent individuals. Yet it must ever be considered as 
singular, that through all the revolutions of public opinion, 
the opposite policy of Hamilton has prevailed^ under every 
administration. According to an intention long before 
expressed, Mr. Jefferson resigned his ofhce, as Secretary of 
State, on the 31st of December, 1793. 

I have now arrived at a new era in the life of Mr. Jeffer- 
son; when he shed the peaceful robes of the statesman, to 
assume the sword, shield and armour of the politician — an 
era, at which admiration for his genius is overclouded by 
mortification for his loss of dignity, his sacrifice of opinion 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 239 

to expediency, and his occasional dereliction from principle 
in compliance with the fallacious suggestions of interest. 
We must now cease for a time to contemplate him as the 
philanthropist, whose eye is fixed on the public good, or as 
the patriot, whose heart is engrossed by schemes that will 
benefit his country; and be content to observe him as one 
who is to build up his fortune with all 'sorts of people,' 
and manage politics as an art of individual greatness, not 
of national good. It is, perhaps, to be lamented that men 
of great minds should ever be condemned to compromise 
their honest candour in order to conciliate popular favour, 
for great stations,' but still it is so ordained in the scale of 
human frailty, that vast powers of intellect shall be che- 
quered by some obliquities of character, that detract from 
that unmixed veneration which they v»^ould otherwise inspire. 
If, however, as a politician, Mr. Jefferson was not so lofty 
and unblemished as he was considered, as a statesman we 
must refer much of the discrepancy to those inevitable and 
adventitious circumstances, which, while they placed him in 
open contrast with the greatest man of his age, surrounded 
him with powerful rivals of equal talents, superior energy, 
more moral courage, and greater intellectual prowess. With 
Washington to overshadow him — with Hamilton to rival 
him — with Adams to carry off the palm of political triumph, 
and Jay to excel him in diplomacy, it required no little 
management, skill, and address, to preserve himself floating 
on the waters, and to reach that final haiiiour of glory to 
■which he at last safely navigated his barque, through fogs, 
and shoals, and tempests that environed him at every turn, 
and menaced him so often with annihilation. But the 
clouds of the politician once passed, we shall again behold 
his glory shine out undimmed, as brilliant and resplendent 
as ever, leaving us nothing to regret, but that equivocation, 
duplicity, and inconsistency, which must always, more or 
less, attach to every man who ventures from the virtue and 
independence of private life, or dignified station, to can- 
vass for the popular favour, and, like St. Paul, attempt to 
be 'all things to all men.'' But, in the case of Mr. Jeffer- 
son, we have in his character a feature of consistency that 
is not always found in- minor politicians — a strict adherence 
to his own party fanaticism up to the day of his death, va- 
rying only in the objects of his crimination, and changing 
from John Adams to Timothy Pickering, from Alexander 



240 THE LIFE OF' 

Hamilton to Oliver Wolcott. In this delirium of another' 
* Polish plot,' by which we were again to be brought under 
the dominion of a King, he always was sure to repeat the 
dream, though he changed the characters and actors in the 
tragedy; and this, too, without seeming to be aware that 
the whole invention was the weak contrivance of emigrants 
from foreign countries, who possessed no other means of 
rising to importance, but on the waves of faction, and who 
kept themselves busy in fanning the embers of faction, in 
the hope of sharing the ' spoils^ which might attend any 
confusion in society, or revolution in the government ; for 
that confusion and revolution were their objects, was de- 
monstrated by facts,* which it is wonderful should have 
escaped the penetration of Mr. Jefferson. 

His motives for retirement were obviously to be disco- 
vered from the violence of party dissentions that now began 
to rage, which had even penetrated the cabinet, to place 
him in opposition to Hamilton; and which naturally brought 
his official duties in opposition to his individual feelings, 
who not only had the ear, but the Ae«r/ and the judgment 
of Washington. Devoted with enthusiasm to the cause of 
the French Revolution; in principle a democrat, radically 
wedded to the very ultra doctrines of liberty; it was 
scarcely possible, that he should longer continue in a cabi- 
net, whose love of rational freedom was tempered by reve^ 
rence for law and subordination, and restrained by consi- 
derations of public virtue, human happiness, and national 
safety, under the auspices of Washington, entrenched be- 
hind the towering genius of Alexander Hamilton. The 
revolution in popular sentiment, which now daily threat- 
ened to leave Washington's administration in a wmonVy, 
admonished Mr. Jefferson to make a timely escape from the 
cabinet, unless he desired to share the fate of its shipwreck; 
and as no congeniality of views bound him in fidelity to 
adhere to its ruined fortunes, policy, as well as feeling, 
suggested retirement as the only means of preserving his 
own honour and avoiding the supposed impending downfall 
of the administration. These motives for his retirement 
were perfectly consistent, judicious, and justifiable; and 

* The insiuTections that appeared in various sections of the Union, 
were instig-ated by foreig-ners, who appeared as their leade-rs and 
chiefs. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 241 

if thej failed, as it respected the calculation^ of the voice 
of popular opinion being in opposition to the illustrious 
patriot at the head of the nation, the error of the theory was 
rather to be ascribed to the pre-eminent virtue of the Presi- 
dent, than to the misconception of public opinion in Mr. 
Jefferson; for it cannot admit of a doubt that the country 
and the government must have been shattered into a thou- 
sand fragments, by the violent collisions of party, but for 
the wisdom, the purity, the moderation, and the patriotism 
of George Washington; the excellence of whose character, 
while it arrested the current of democratic feeling for the 
time, and even caused it to ebb entirely, from its influence 
on the government, so as to admit his successor's election 
from the same school of modulated freedom; yet, when 
withdrawn, proved that the virtue of the man, rather than 
the forc« of public opinion, had been the means of averting 
that catastrophe, upon which Mr. Jefferson had grounded 
his resignation; and that the political sagacity of the latter 
only failed in point of time, and evinced no deficiency either 
in relation to principles or facts. Results finally attested 
to the unerring political foresight of Mr. Jefferson, as to the 
tendency of popular sentiment to the single point of demo- 
cratic supremacy, by a tremendous and overwhelming ma- 
jority. How far Mr. Jefferson co-operated to produce that 
result, after his retirement from the Washington cabinet, 
does not so clearly appear; but that he was not altogether 
inactive, and that he still continued to cherish a dislike of 
Washington, a mortal hatred of Alexander Hamilton, and 
the federalists generally, with, perhaps, some exception as 
to Washington, whom no man could really hate, will appear 
from the following letters, which can alone do justice to 
their great author, without abridgment or mutilation, 

''to JAMES MADISON. 

" Monticello, .^pril 3, 1794. 
" Dear Sir, — Our post having ceased to ride ever since 
the inoculation began in Richmond, till now, I received 
three days ago, and all together, your friendly favours of 
March 2, 9, 12, 14, and Colonel Monroe's of March Sand 
16. I have been particularly gratified by the receipt of the 
papers containing yours, and Smith's discussion of your 
regulating propositions. These debates had not been seen 
here but in a very short and mutilated form. I am at no 
^ W 



^42 THE LIFE OF 

loss to ascribe Smithes speech to its true father. Every 
tittle of it is Hamilton's except the introduction. Thei^ is 
scarcely any thing there which I have not heard from him 
in our various private, though official discussions. The 
very turn of the arguments is the same, and otliers will see, 
as well as myself, that the style is Hamilton's. The sophistry 
is too fine, too ingenious, even to have been comprehended 
by Smith, much less devised by him. His reply shows that he 
did not understand his first speech^ as its general inferiority 
proves its legitimacy, as evidently as it does the bastardy of 
the original. You know we had understood that Hamilton 
had prepared a counter report,* and that some of his humble 
servants in the Senate were to move a reference to him in 
order to produce it* But, I suppose they thought it would 
have a better effect if fired off in the House of Represen- 
tatives. I find the report, however, so fully justified, that 
the anxieties with which I left it are perfectly quieted. In 
this quarter, all espouse your propositions with ardour, and 
without a dissenting voice. 

'' The rumour of a declaration of war has given an oppor- 
tunity of seeing, that the people here, though attentive to 
the loss of value of their produce in such an event, yet find 
in it a gratification of some other passions, and particularly 
of their ancientf hatred to Great Britain. Still, I hope it 
will not come to that^ but that the proposition will be car- 
ried, and justice be done ourselves in a peaceable way. As 
to the guarantee of the French Islands, wliatever doubts 
may be entertained of the moment at which we^ought to in- 
terpose, yet I have no doubt but that we ought to interpose 
at a proper time, and declare both to England and France, 
that these islands are to rest with France, and that we will 
make a common cause with the latter for that object. As 
to the naval armament, the land armament, and the marine 
fortifications, which are in question with you, I have no 
doubt they will all be carried. Not that the monocrats and 
papermen in Congress want war; but they want armies and 
debtsj and though we may hope that the sound part of Con- 



* This letter alludes to the debate on Madison's resolutions of 
Free Trade, based on Jefferson's Report. 

■j-We oug-ht to read, and perhaps Mr. Jefferson meant, anciext 
I.OVE and recent hatred. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 243 

gress is now so augmented as to insure a majority in cases 
of general interest merely, yet I have always observed, that 
in questions of expense, where members may hope either for 
offices or jobs for themselves or their frieiids^ some few will 
be debauched, and that is sufficient to turn the decision 
where a majority is, at most, but small. I have never seen 
a Philadelphia paper since I left it, till those you enclosed 
me; and I feel myself so thoroughly weaned from theinter^ 
est I took in the proceedings there, while there, that I have 
never had a wish to see one, and believe that I never shall 
take another newspaper of any sort. I find my mind totally 
absorbed in my rural occupations. 

" Accept sincere assurances of affection. 

TH. JEFFERSON," 

In a letter of May 1, 1794, to Tench Coxe, he thus vents 
his indignation and hatred against Kings and Priests. 
"Your letters give a comfortable view of French aff'airs, 
and later events seem to confirm it. Over the foreign 
powers, I am convinced, they will triumph completely; and 
I cannot but hope that that triumph, and the consequent 
disgrace of the invading tyrants, is destined, in the order of 
events, to kindle the wrath of the people of Europe against 
those who have dared to embroil them in such wickedness, 
and to bring at length, kings, nobles and priests to the scaf- 
folds which the}^ have been so long deluging with human 
blood. I am still ivarm ivhenever I think of these scoun- 
drels, though I do it as seldom as I can, prefering infi- 
nitely to contemplate the tranquil growth of my lucerne 
and potatoes^ 

Having ' contemplated the growth of his lucerne and 
potatoes,^ until he had gathered in his crop, Mr. Jefferson, 
in the December of the same year, again turned his atten- 
tion to politics, and addressed to his friend, Mr. Madison, 
the following inflammatory and glowing epistle, causing 
him to forget the veneration due to the character of the 
great Washington, in the temporary heat kindled by the 
party passions of the day. 

TO JAMES MADISON. 

Monticello, Dec. 28, 17*94. 
Dear Sir, I have kept Mr. Jay's letter a post or two, 
with an intention of considering attentively the observations 



244 THE LIFE OF 

it contains; but I have really so little stomacli for any thing 
of that kind, that I have not resolution enough even toendea- 
vour to understand the observations. I therefore return the 
letter, not to delay your answer to it, and beg you, in an- 
swering for yourself, to assure him of my respects and 
thankful acceptance of Chalmers' .Treatise, which I do not 
possess, and if you possess yourself of the scope of his 
reasoning, make any answer to it you please for me. If 
it had been on the rotation of my crops, * I would have 
answered myself, lengthily perhaps, but certainly con 
gusto. 

"The denunciation of the democratic societies is one of 
the extraordinary acts of boldness of which we have seen 
so many from the faction of monocrats. It is wonderful, 
indeed, that the President^ should have permitted himself 
to be the organ of such an attack on the freedom of dis- 
cussion, the freedom of writing, printing and publishing. 
It must be a matter of rare curiosity to get at the modi- 
fications of these rights proposed by them, and to see what 
line their ingenuity would draw between democratical 
societies, whose avowed object is the nourishment of the 
republican principles of our constitution, and the Society 
of the Cincinatti, a self-created one, carving out for itself 
hereditary distinctions, lowering over our constitution eter- 
nally, meeting together in all parts of the Union periodic 
cally, with closed doors, accumulating a capital in their 
separate treasury, corresponding secretly cmd regularly^ 
and of which society the v.ery persons denouncing the 
democrats are themselves the fathers, founders, and high 
(xfficers. Their sight must be perfectly dazzled by the 
glittering of crowns and coronets, not to see the extrava- 
gance of the proposition to suppress the friends of general 
freedom; while those who wish to confine that freedom to 
the few, are permitted to go on in their principles and prac- 

* There seems to have been some little affectation in this air of ex- 
treme devotedness to iucEuifE and potatoes, in the sag-e of Montis 
cello! 

t It is a subject for lamentation, as well as surprise, that Jeffer- 
son should have permitted the slanders ag-ainst the illustrious Wash- 
ington to make any impression on his mind. But overheated am- 
ambition, and some g-ang-rene of pride, must have eng-endered this 
letter; the whole of which is unworthy of the head and derogatory 
to the heart of the author of the Declaration of Independence. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 245 

tices. I here put out of sight the persons whose misbe- 
haviour has been taken advantage of to slander the friends 
of popular rights; and I am happy to observe, that as far as 
the circle of my observation and information extends, every 
body has lost sight of them, and views the abstract attempt 
on their natural and constitutional rights in all its na- 
kedness. I have never heard of a single expression or 
opinion which did not condemn it as an inexcusable aggres- 
sion. And with respect to the transactions^ against the 
excise law, it appears to me that you are all swept away in 
the torrent of governmental opinions, or that we do not 
know what these transactions have been. We know of 
none which, according to the definitions of the law, have 
been any thing more than riotous. There was, indeed, a 
meeting to consult about a separation. But to consult on 
a question does not amount to a determination of that ques- 
tion in the affirmative, still less to the acting on such a 
determination; but we shall see, I suppose, what the court 
lawyers, and courtly judges, and would-be ambassadors 
will make of it. The excise law is an infernal one. The 
first error was to admit it by the Constitution; the second 
to act on that admission; the third and last will be to make 
it the instrument of dismembering the Union, and setting 
us all afloat to choose what part of it we will adhere to, 
The information of our militia, returned from the westward, 
is uniform, that though the people there let them pass 
quietly, they were objects of their laughter, not of their 
fear; that one thousand men could have cut off their whole 
force in a thousand places of the Allegany; that their de- 
t^tation of the excise law is universal, and has now asso- 
ciated to it a detestation of the government; and that sepa- 
ration, which perhaps was a very distant and problematical 
event, is notv near, and certain, and determined in the 
mind of every mcin. I expected to have seen some justi- 
fication of arming one part of the society against another; 
of declarino; a civil war the moment before the meeting of 



* The term 'transactioks,' here g-iven by Mr. J. to the atrocious 
iNSUBHECTioNs that prevailed in the western counties of Pennsyl- 
vania, is not calculated to add to the lustre of his reputation, or in- 
crease our esteem for his character; and we cannot but sincerely wish 
that this letter had never seen the light; still it was due to truth to 
represent him as he truly was, * nothing extenuate, nor set down 
auerht inm^ilice.* 

W 2 



246 THE LIFE OF 

that body, which has the sole right of declaring war; of 
being so patient of the kicks and scoffs of our enemies, 
and rising at a feather against our friends; of adding a mil- 
lion to the public debt, and deriding us with recommenda' 
tions to pay it if we can, &c. &c. But the part of the 
speech which was to be taken as a justification of the ar- 
mament, reminded me of Parson Saunder's demonstration 
why minus into ininus makes plus. After a parcel of shreds 
of stuft' from iEsops' Fables and Tom Thumb, he jumps all 
at once into his ergo, 7ninus multiplied into minus makes 
plus. Just so the fifteen thousand men enter after the 
tables in the speech, " 

^ ' However, the time is coming when we shall fetch up 
the leeway of our vessel.* The changes in your house, I 
see, are going on for the better, and even the Augean herd 
over your headst are slowly purging off their impurities. 
Hold on, then, my dear friend, that we may not shipwreck 
in the meanwliile. I do not see, in the minds of those 
with whom I converse, a greater affliction than the fear of 
your retirement; but this must not be, unless to a more 
splendid and more efficacious post, I'here I should rejoice 
to see you; I hope I may say, I shall rejoice to see you. 
I have long had much in my mind to say to you on that 
subject; but double delicacies have kept me silent. I ought 
perhaps, to say, while I would not give up my own retire- 
ment for the empire of the universe, how I can justify 
wishing one, whose happiness I have so much at heart as 
yours, to take the front of the battle which is fighting for 
MY SECURITY. Tlus would be easy enough to be done, but 
not at the heel of a lengthy epistle," Adieu. 

TH: JEFFERSON, 

This is what Mr. Jefferson called a state of retirement 
from political affairs; and which his biographers have called 
a devotion to the ti'anquil pursuits of agriculture! 

At Monticello, Mr. Jefferson, like all southern gentle- 
men, displayed a hospitality commensurate to his former 
public station, and his elegant private fortune. Among 
others, whom curiosity attracted to his mansion, was i\\e. 

*■ This is rather a curious conniientary upon ' the contemplation 
of Ivvcerne and potatoes ! ! ! ' 
f Th.e Senate. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 247 

celebrated French traveller, the Duke de Liancourt, who 
thus describes the sage and politician of Monticello: " His 
conversation is of the most agreeable kind, and he possesses 
a stock of information not inferior to that of any other man. 
In Europe he wou^ld hold a distinguished rank among men 
of letters, and as such he has already appeared there. At 
present he is employed with activity and perseverance in 
the management of his farms and buildings, and he orders, 
directs and pursues, in the minutest detail, every branch 
of business relating to them. The author of this sketch found 
him in the midst of harvest, from which the scorching heat 
of the sun does not prevent his attendance. His negroes 
are nourished, clothed, and treated as well as his white 
servants could be. As he cannot expect any assistance 
from the two small neighbouring towns, every article is 
made on his farm; his negroes are cabinet makers, carpen- 
ters, masons, bricklayers, &c. The children he employs 
in a nail manufactory, which yields already a considerable 
profit. The young and old negresses spin for the clothing 
of the rest. He animates them by rewards and distinctions; 
in fine, his superior mind directs the management of his 
domestic concerns with the same abilities, activity and re- 
gularity, which he evinced in the conduct of public affairs, 
and which he is calculated to display in every situation in 
life." 

During the year 1795, Mr. Jefferson became more anxi- 
ous, and of course more active, on the political arena, by 
correspondence with the leading republicans, who had as- 
sumed the attitude of opposition to the Washington admi- 
nistration; from what motives, and for what objects, history 
has no longer left open to doubt or conjecture. The father 
of liis country had now progressed in his second term of 
office, accepted with painful reluctance, with an unalter- 
able determination never to permit his name again to be 
used for that high station. To secure the succession^ there- 
fore, became an object of the highest importance to the two 
conflicting parties; the one headed by John Adams, then 
Vice l^resident, and sustained by Alexander Hamilton, 
who, wielding the intellectual club of a giant, presented a 
shield of patriotism invulnerable to the shafts of calumny, 
and opposed a breast-plate of polished integrity, from which 
the weapons of malice, envy and opposition recoiled with a 
force fatal to his assailants. To this party stood opposed 



248 THE LIFE OF 

a phalanx of republican patriots, equally devoted to tlieir 
country, equally inflamed with ambition, but more enthu- 
siastic and wild in their notions of liberty; and scarcely 
less distinguished by talents, genius and learning. At the 
head of this party stood, proudly pre-eminent, the subject 
of this biography, assisted by James Madison, Aaron Burr, 
James Monroe, William B. Giles, and others of inferior 
note, and less creditable reputation. The former party 
represented the monied influence, and comprehended the 
higher orders of society; law, divinity, medicine, commerce 
and agriculture, or the great landed interest; and from its 
inherent rigour, both physical and mental, assumed amoral 
force, which, in the usual course of human events, must 
have proved invincible to all extraneous assaults. On the 
adverse side, stood the less intelligent and more penurious 
people; those whose passions were easily inflamed by the 
cry of liberty, and whose indignation was promptly pro- 
voked by the suspicion of oppression, tyranny, or the un- 
just exercise of power. To this party, the excise law, and 
the French revolution, were objects easily understood, as 
composing the essence of tyranny on the one hand, and 
liberty on the other; and their leaders did not fail to ap- 
ply the fire-brand, where they discovered the combustibles. 
But the vast moral influence of the character of Washing- 
ton, arrested, for a time, the explosion of these inflamma- 
tory elements, and decided the victory in favour of that 
party which represented the wealth, intelligence, virtue 
and talent of the country, in a greater degree than did its 
clamourous and honest adversaries, who fancied they be- 
held equality of riches and pleasures in the promised gifts 
of equal rights, universal suffrage and democratical govern- 
ment; not reflecting, that, however ardently candidates for 
office may profess lenity, officer's are compelled to observe 
justice; and that the professions of partisans to gain popu- 
lar support, ^re never intended as a rule of action, for the 
incumbent, when invested with power. 

It was upon this subject, of a successor to Washington, 
that Mr. Jefferson addressed the following letter to Mr. 
Madison; in which his aversion to public life is depicted 
in colours so strong and glowing, as to stagger belief how 
he could ever be persuaded to overcome so invincible a re- 
pugnance to its cares ! This letter discloses more of the 
character of its great author, than could be furnished in a 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 249 

volume of dissertation; and I, therefore, make no apology 
for its quotation, which, as it flows from his own lips, can- 
not be open to dispute. 

TO JAMES MADISON. 

Monticello, April 27, 1795. 

''Dear Sir, Your letter of March the 23d, came to hand 
the 7th of April, and notwithstanding the urgent reasons 
for answering a part of it immediately, yet, as it mentioned 
that you would leave Philadelphia within a few days, I 
feared that the answer might pass you on the road. A let- 
ter from Philadelphia, by the last post, having announced 
to me your leaving that place the day preceding its date, I 
am ill hopes this will find you in Orange. In mine, to which 
yours of March the 23d was an answer, I expressed my 
hope of the only change of position I ever wished to see 
you make, and I expressed it with entire sincerity, because 
there is not another person in the United States, who, being 
placed at the helm of our affairs, my mind would be so 
completely at rest for the fortune of our political bark, 
The wish, too, was pure and unmixed with any thing re- 
specting myself personally. 

''For as to myself, the subject had been thoroughly 
weighed and decided on, and my retirement from office had 
been meant from all office, high or low, without exception. 
I can say too, with truth, that the subject had not been pre- 
sented to my mind by any vanity of my own. I knew my- 
self and my fellow citizens, too well to have ever thought 
of it. But the idea was forced upon me by continual insi- 
nuations in the public papers, while I was in office. As all 
these came from a hostile quarter, I knew that their object 
was to poison the public mind as to my motives, when they 
were not able to charge me with facts. But the idea being 
once presented to me, my own quiet required that I should 
face it and examine it. I did so, thoroughly, and had no 
difficulty to see that every reason which had determined me 
to retire from the office I then held, operated more strongly 
against that which was insinuated to be my object. I de- 
cided then on those general grounds which could alone be 
present to my mind at that time, that is to say, reputation, 
tranquillity, labour; for as to public duty, it could not be 
a topic of consideration in my case. If these general con- 
siderations were sufficient to grouncl a finn resolution never 



250 THE LIFE OF 

to permit myself to think of the office, or be thought of for 
it, the special ones which have supervened on my retire- 
ment, still more insuperably bar the door to it. My health 
is entirely broken down within the last eight months; my 
age requires that I should place my affairs in a clear state;* 
these are sound, if taken care of, but capable of consider- 
able dangers if longer neglected; and above all things, the 
delights I feel in the society of my family, and in the agri- 
cultural pursuits in which I am so eagerly engaged. The 
little spice of ambition which I had in my younger days,t 
has long since evaporated, and I set still less store by a 
posthumous than present name. In stating to you the 
heads of reasons which ha\e produced my determination, I 
do not mean an opening for future discussion, or Lluil I may 
he reasoned out of it. The quESXioN is forever closed 
WITH ME;7ny sole object is to avail my self of the first opening 
ever given me from a friendly quarter, (and I could not 
with decency do it before,) of preventing any division or 
loss of votes, which might be fatal to the republican 
interest. If that has any chance of prevailing, it must be 
by preventing the loss of a single vote, and by concentrating 
all its strength upon one object. Who this should be, is a 
question I can niore freely discuss with any body than 
yourself. In this I painfully feel the loss of Monroe. Had 
he been here, I should have been at no loss for a channel 
through which to make myself understood, if I have been 
misunderstood by any body through the instrumentality of 
Mr, Fenno and his abettors. J I long to see you. 

TH. JEFFERSON." 

* Mr. JefFerson was then bift 52 years old! ! ! 

f Ambition is the passion pecuHar to ag-e — yakitt to youth! 

t Judg-e Marshal], in his life of Washington alludes to the esta- 
blishment of a paper, by Mr. Jefferson, then Secretary of State, called 
the National Gazette, the leading- articles of which, attacking' Wash- 
ington, Hamilton, and their measures, were alleg-ed to flow from the 
pen of Jeff'erson himself! The journal in question was certainly de- 
voted to Mr. Jefferson; but how far his pen, or opinions, entered into 
its columns, it is perhaps, at this period, impossible to ascertain. The 
imputation, at the present day, would convey little reproach, having- 
become a common practice. If it were true of Mr. Jefferson, we 
can only remark, that less eminent for gi-eatness, and less powerful 
in public veneration, than Washington; he mig-lit find it necessary, 
in coping- with Hamilton and Adams, to employ the piiess in their 
depreciation, and make use of its influence to sustain himself, even 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 251 

There is much in this letter to excite enquiry and reflec- 
tion. Is it possible, that Jefferson should have been so averse 
to the Presidency? Is it possible, that he would not quit 
his farm for the empire of the universe j and yet, a few years 
after, accept of the Vice Presidentship of tlie United States. 
That Jefferson was a great man, cannot be doubted 5 but that 
he was also liable to the frailties of human nature, is here 
made too manifest to be doubted. 

It is difficult to suppose, that Mr. Jefferson had no che- 



at the expense of Washington. How far the practice is calculated 
to sap the foundations of liberty, is another question. Adams and 
Hamilton, • the abettors of Fenno,' on their part, resorted to the 
same means of aggression and defence, and employed the press 
against Mr. Jefferson. 

His employment of CxLtKiTDEit, an impoverished Scotch adven- 
turer, of some talents, but ilo character and principle, to traduce the 
reputation of Washington, has been denied by some and extenuated 
by otherst but enough is known to dispel all doubt of the agency of 
Mr. Jefferson in tliis unfortunate transaction; an agency which we 
cannot but deplore, as it exposes one of those frailties of a gi-eat 
mind, which so often interposes between the reach of perfection, to 
which genius so naturally aspires, to arrest admiration from turning 
to idolatry; and to chequer humanity with some traits of its native 
imperfection. It must be allowed, as some atonement for his trans- 
gression, that Mr. Jefferson lived to lavish unbounded encomiums 
on the father of his country; and to confess that his gi-eat virtues 
extorted the homage of the world, and excited the admiration and 
applause of all parties. In the same manner, his employment of 
Frkneau for the same purpose, he has fully admitted in his *Anas,' 
where he says, speaking of an interview with Washington, " He 
adverted to a piece in Freneau's paper of yesterday; he said he 
despised all their attacks on him personally, but thattliere never had 
been an act of the government, not meaning in the executive line 
only, but in any line, which that paper had not abused. He had also 
marked the word republic thus (V) where it was apphed to the 
French republic. He was evidently sore and warm, and I took his 
intention to be that I should interpose in some way with Freneau, 
perhaps withdraw his appointment of translating clerk to my office. 
But I will not do it. His paper has saved our Coxstitutiost, 
which was galloping fast into monarchy, and has been checked by no 
one means so powerfully as by that paper. It is well and universally 
known, that it has been that paper which has checked the career of 
the monocrats; and the President, not sensible of the designs of the 
party, has not, with his usual good sense and sang froid, looked on 
the efforts and effects of this free press, and seen, that though some 
bad things have passed througli it to the public, yet the good have 
preponderated immensely." 



252 THE LIFE OF 

rished views of supreme power at this time, when the whole 
course of his retirement was marked by epistolary effusions 
ot political rancour and bitterness, unequalled in the history 
of a politician of the' higher order,'' and which even tempted 
him to assail the character of the great and pure ^Vashing- 
ton, as an advocate of Englisii monarchy; because he stood 
aloof from the intrigues of all parties, and disdained to tar- 
nish his integrity by a collision with any faction — looking 
to his country, and his country only, as the idol of his ado- 
ration. In the following extract of a letter to ' Mazzei,^ 
we have a lamentable instance of the wide ditterence that 
obtains between 2i patriot statesman, whose labours had con- 
tributed to found the institutions of his country, and the 
partisan politician, rankling under the triumph of rivals, 
and panting and fretting to get his foot on his enemies, as 
the stepping-stone to supreme power. 

TO p. MAZiZEI. 

"my dear friend, Monticello, Jlpril 24, 1796. 

*' The aspect of our politics has wonderfully changed 
since you left us. In place of that noble love of liberty and 
republican government, which carried us triumphantly 
through the war, an Anglican monarchical and aristocratical 
party has sprung up, whose avowed object is to draw over 
us the substance, as they have already done the forms of the 
British government. The main body of our citizens, how- 
ever, remain true to their republican principles; the whole 
landed interest is republican, and so is a great mass of ta- 
lents. Against us are the executive, the judiciary, two out 
of three branches of the legislature, all the officers of the 
government, all who want to be officers, all timid men who 
prefer the calm of despotism to the boisterous sea of liberty, 
British merchants, and Americans trading on British capi-' 
tals, speculators and holders in the banks and public funds, 
a contrivance invented for the purposes of corruption, and 
for assimilating us in all things to the rotten as well as the 
sound parts of the British model. It would give you a fever 
were I to name to you the apostates who have gone over to 
these heresies — men who were Samsons in the field, and 
Solomons in the council, but who have had tlieir heads shorn 
% the harlot — England. In short, we are likely to preserve 
the liberty we have obtained onl}^ by unremitting labours 
and perils. But we shall preserve it; and our mass of 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 253 

weight and wealth on the good side is so great, as to leave 
no danger that force will ever be attempted against us. We 
have only to awake and snap the Lilliputian cords with 
which they have been entangling us during the first sleep 
which succeeded our labours. I begin to feel the effects of 
age. My health has suddenly broken down, with symptoms 
which give me to believe, I shall not have much to encoun- 
ter of the tedium vitx. While it remains, however, my 
heart will be warm in its friendships, and among these, will 
always foster the affections, with which I am, dear Sir, 
your friend and servant, 

TH. JEFFERSON." 

What motive could induce Mr. Jefferson to brand George 
Washington, the Executive^ as a Monarchist, it is difficult 
to conceive. Washington ! the father of his country I — The 
soldier who had achieved our independence through a seven 
years war! — the patriot, who had ever stood aloof from 
power — the statesman, Avho had assisted to frame, and who 
carried into practice, the free Constitution of the United 
States! — the Republican, who had established the/jreccf/m^, 
which corrected the imlimited duration of the eligibility of 
the President to office — who had rejected all recompense for 
his public services, and who had now spent a life in the field 
and in the cabinet, devoted to the welfare and liberties of 
his country ! ! It was utterly impossible that Mr. Jefferson 
should believe, what he here alleged — then why allege it? 
Washington did not stand in his way — and if he did, he 
could not remove him. Did he envy him Xrvi future glory? 
He could not tarnish, much less diminish its lustre, by an 
unfounded imputation ! — Then, why prefer a charge, which 
few would tolerate, and none would believe? To gratify 
feeling — to create a fancied superiority for his own princi- 
ples—and to be highest, not as a patriot — not as a states- 
man—T\Qt as an American — ^but to be highest, as the enthu- 
siastic champion of universal liberty, who would tolerate 
nothing short of the emancipation of every people; and that 
the United States should, like Don Quixotte, buckle on her 
armour, mount her Rosinante, and set out to liberate all 
mankind, and slay all kings, or perish in the attempt! But 
the best apology for this letter is, that the writer never de- 
signed it to be published; and that, however frail may have 
been the feelings of his heart, his head was too strong to 



254 THE LIFE OF 

permit him to divulge their unrighteous wanderings, except 
to the bosom of undivulgable friendship! 

While I note these spots on the sun of Mr. Jefferson's 
greatness, I feel bound to observe, that the line of distinc 
tion is a broad and distinct one, which separates the true 
glory of the beneficial actions of one of the founders of the 
Republic, from the partisan blemishes, occasioned by the 
heats, animosities, and rivalry of the politician, who appeals 
to the current prejudices of the people, to wean their affec- 
tions from a competitor, or court them to himself: nor does 
this last trait of character, demand that severity of censure, 
or warrant that acerbity of denunciation, which we are too 
much disposed to fall into, when we pass judgment upon 
the deeds of men made illustrious by their talents, and im- 
mortal by their virtues. In proof of this course being dic- 
tated by reason and propriety, we have only to reflect, that 
the very measures which Mr. Jefferson had made the pretext 
for the denunciation of Washington, he had himself sanc- 
tioned and approved: he admitted the Excise law to be 
Constitutional^— he liad concurred in and sanctioned the 
Proclamation of Neutrality — he had, with his own pen, elo- 
quently resented the insults and indignities offered to the 
American Republic by the audacious Genet: nor is there 
reason to believe, that he opposed the treaty of Mr. Jay, 
until he thought he discovered in the mass of the people, a 
dislike to it, which presented him with a prospect of an 
available fund of popularity, at a season auspicious to his 
ambition; for that he was ambitious, every syllable of humi- 
lity that falls from his lips, gives incontestible assurance. 
01 little avail would have been his character, and his talents 
to his country, had he not been so. It was this ambition, 
which, in moments of depression, caused him to look with a 
jaundiced eye upon the peerless lustre of the true glory of 
Washington^ and to exclaim in despite of his better reason 
— '*Oh! Sun! I hate thy beams!" This, however, was but 
the evil spirit of the moment — it quickly passed away, and 
left his mind to the calm control of more benevolent feelings, 
and juster thoughts! 

There was one feature of the policy of TFashington, how- 
ever, in which Jefferson never could agree, and that was the 
NATIONAL BANKj wliich hc took cvcry occasiou to assail, and 
which there is reason to believe, constituted the chief cause 
of his growing dislike of Washington, as it was known to ha 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 255 

the sole one of his hatred of Alexander Hamilton. The 
following letter will tend to elucidate these points. 

TO COLONEL MONROE. 

**DEAR SIR, Monticello, June 12, 1796. 

** Congress have risen. You will have seen by their pro- 
ceedings the truth of what I always observed to you, that 
one man outweighs them all in influence over the people, who 
have supported his judgment against their own and that of 
their representatives. Republicanism must lie on its oars; 
resign the vessel to its pilot, and themselves to the course 
he thinks best for them. I had always conjectured, from 
such facts as I could get hold of, that our public debt was 
increasing about a million of dollars a year. You will see 
by Gallatin's speeches, that the thirgis proved.* You will 
see farther, that we are completely saddled and bridled, and 
that the Bank is so firmly mounted on us, that we must go 
where they will guide. They openly publish a resolution, 
that the national property being increased in value, triey 
must by an increase of circulating medium furnish an ade- 
quate representation of it, and by further additions of active 
capital promote the enterprises of our merchants. It is 
supposed that the paper in circulation in and around Phila- 
delphia, amounts to tiventy millions of dollars, and that in 
the whole Union to one hundred millions. I think the last 
too high." 

Both these amounts were exaggerated far beyond their 
possible limits. This letter to Colonel Monroe, is dated 
June 12. On the 19th of the same month, and same year, 
he addressed a letter to General Washington, denying the 
publication of the Interrogatories put to the Cabinet on the 

* Mr. J. here again declaims as a partisan, instead of reasoning as 
a statesman. The anti-federahsts opposed taxes and imposts, to dis- 
charge the expenses of government? and yet complained that the 
pviblic debt was augmented! How could it be otherwise, when the 
public revenue was deficient. Who caused that deficiency? The 
anti-federalists! Yet, in a letter to Washington, dated Paris, Dec. 4, 
1788, he says: *' Calculation has convinced me, that circumstances 
may arise, and probably will arise, wherein all the resources of tax-r 
ation will be necessary for the safety of the State. For, although I 
am decidedly of opinion, we should take no part in European quar- 
rels, but cultivate peace and commerce with all, yet who can avoid 
seeing the source of war in the tyranny of those nations, who deprive 
us of the natural right of trading with our neighbour.'* 



^56 THE LIFE OF 

occasion of Genet^s reception, and which had appeared in 
Backers Jiurora, then the assailing journal on the Wash- 
ington Cabinet. In this letter, Mr. Jeff'erson says, " I 
learn that this last person [General H. liCe!] has thought 
it worth his while to try to sow tares between you and me, 
by representing me as still engaged in tiie bustle of politics, 
and in turbulence and intrigue against the government. I 
never believed for a moment that this could make any im- 
pression on you, or that your knowledge of me would not 
outweigh the slander of an intriguer, dirtily employed in 
sifting the conversations of my table, where alone he could 
hear of me; and seeking to atone for his sins against you, 
by sins against another, who had never done him any other 
injury than that of declining his confidence. Political con- 
versations I recilly dislike, and therefore avoid v/here I can 
without affectation.''^ 

We have seen, however, that Mr. Jeft'erson had not an 
equal dislike to political correspondence; and that his free 
denunciation of Washington, and his cabinet,-i/7if?er his pen, 
were not intended to be embraced in his denial of attacking 
the government in his conversations. He appeared, there- 
fore, to the face of Washington as a friend, and behind his 
back as an enemy. Some organic frailty of his constitution, 
in the moral courage of his mind, must have led to this trait 
of inconsistency. Thus, only three iveeks after his friendly 
letter to General Washington, we find him writing to Mon- 
roe in the following terms: — 

'' Monticello, July 10, 1796. 

^'Dear Sir, — The campaign of Congress has closed. 
Though the Anglomen have, in the end, got their treaty 
through, and so far have triumphed over the cause of repub- 
licanism, yet it has been to them a dear bought victory: it 
has given the most radical shock to their party which it has 
ever received: and there is no doubt, they would be glad to 
be replaced on the ground they possessed the instant before 
Jay's nomination extraordinary. They see that nothing can 
support them but the colossus of the President's merits with 
the people; and the moment he retires, that his successor, 
if a monocrat,* will be overborne by the republican sense 
of his constituents; if a republican, he will of course give 
fair play to that sense, and lead things into the channel of 

* The party attached to the National Bank, and the Funded System ! 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. QS"^ 

harmony, between the governors and governed. In the 
mean time, patience. " 

*^Most assiduous court is paid to Patrick Henry. He 
has been offered every thing which they knew he would not 
accept. Some impression is thought to be made, but we do 
not believe it is radical. If they thought they could count 
upon him, they would run him for their Vice President; 
their first object being to produce a schism in this State. 
As it is, they will run Mr. Pinckney; in which they regard 
his Southern position rather than his principles. Mr. Jay, 
and his advocate Camillus, are completely treaty-foun- 
dered." 

Enough has now been cited, from Mr. Jefferson's letters, 
to show, that however religiously he might be devoted to 
the culture of ' lucerne and potatoes,' that he found ample 
leisure, amidst all his avocations of building, planting, 
reading, science, philosophy and rustic pleasures, to not 
only attend to the passing events of the political world, but 
to interpose his voice and his pen in deciding their ten- 
dency, and controlling their movements. There is con- 
tained in the letter just quoted enough to prove him not 
only a close observer, but a consummate actor in the finesse 
and secret management of the day; and it is apparent that 
his mind now began to assume that texture of refined 
equivocation, which the habit of political intrigue and 
management so naturally engrafts upon it; leading step by 
step to that system of mental reservation, which reconciles 
the conscience to the loss of integrity, without shocking 
the sensibilities by the flagrant violation of veracity, Ir; 
up to the period of his retirement from the office of Seere^ 
tary of State, he retained the bold and single front of un- 
dissembled honesty, * wearing his heart upon his sleeve.' 
which may reasonably be doubted, from the current stories 
of the day, he soon found it necessary to his purpose, of 
rising to the supreme station in the government, to profess 
to one set of men an attachment, which he either did not 
feel, or could not, consistently with his interest, avow to 
another; and which naturally begat that duplicity which he 
afterwards carried to such extreme refinement. The first 
attempt of the intrigue to prostrate Hamilton and Adams, 
no doubt comprehended the person and character of Wash- 
ington, who was also to be immolated on the bloody altar 
of French liberty; but being foiled in this attempt, the 



^58 THE LIFE OF 

father of his country being found too deeply enshrined in 
the hearts of a virtuous people, the circle of proscription 
was narrowed down; and while Washington, was left to the 
grandeur of his towering virtues, unapproachable to malice, 
envy, ambition or crime, Adams and Hamilton were spe- 
cially selected as the victims to popular vengeance, under 
the sapping and mining system of intrigue, insinuation 
and newspaper detraction, of the charge of British in- 
fluence, MONARCHICAL PRINCIPLES and TREASONABLE 

PROJECTS, charges as baseless as the winds, and which 
never would have found breath to utter them, but for the 
ambition of those who, under the plea of agricultural pur- 
suits in unbroken retirement, panted to gain the high places, 
which were never to be reached but by the most profound 
system of intrigue, deception and management, or the most 
adroit appeals to the popular passions, to objects of vision- 
ary oppression,, or fanciful equality of rights, possessions 
and privileges. 

It was manifest to the most superficial observation, that 
the grounds of opposition assumed by the party headed by 
Jefferson, were generally untenable and fallacious; and the 
simple interrogation of ' what has French liberty to do with 
American policy?^ a.t once exploded the illusion of exc/?^- 
sive republicanism in the opponents of Washington. Ameri- 
can liberty was settled forever by the Constitutioi* and 
the Declaration of Independence; and Mr. Jefterson 
himself had been a party to the establishment of tliat na- 
tional policy, which the first President had devised and 
executed, under, the masterly co-operation of General 
Hamilton; which policy was based on the natural interests 
of the whole Union, resolvable into commerce, agriculture 
and manufactures; peace with all nations, and entangling 
alliances with none: which policy every year's experience 
confirmed and settled deeper and deeper into tlie vitals of 
the country, as the natural and never to be exploded system 
which was essential to the prosperity, growth, indepen- 
dence and power of the nation; and., even up to the present 
time, has continued entire and unbroken, a monument of 
the united wisdom and patriotism of Washington; and a 
test of the fallacy of all those grounds of party opposition, 
M^hich, when triumphant, never ventured to remove one 
stone of that glorious edifice of our prosperity; which, 
through all the revolutions of fections, all the 'storms of 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 259 

party, all the fierce contentions of rival candidates, has 
REMAINED THE SAMEj a Standing rebuke to parties, and a 
historical lesson to the people, warning them against those 
dissentions, which render the inidtitude 'mad, in order that 
a feiv may make their fortunes out of their fevers and their 
folly; and which, like Cromwell, only shouts liberty to 
gain pouter, and cants of reform, that it may more success- 
fully practice corruption. 

One apparent exception only is to be found in this prac- 
tice oi federal policy by Mr. Jefferson, and his democratic 
successors; and that is the Bank of the United States. 
This is only an apparent exception, for Mr. Madison raised 
the reputed monster from its ashes, with limbs enlarged to 
gigantic measurement, and we have lived to see democratic 
majorities in both Houses of Congress, give it their sanc- 
tion as a part of the settled policy of the country. The 
same observation will extend to the funding system, and 
EXCISE, which, under the democratic administration of the 
immediate successor of Mr. Jefferson, rose to a colossal 
size, unknown in the times of the federal ' moyiocrat,'' 
and which could not have failed to awaken the terrors of 
Hamilton himself, for the permanency and purity of free 
institutions I 

Even on the question of the bank, Mr. Jefferson had, from 
want of moral courage, manifested a doubtfulness and in- 
decision in tlie concluding sentence, where he recommends 
that the President should acquiesce in the opinion of Con- 
gress, M'hich was far from making this institution an essen- 
tial object o^ exclusion to the republican creed; especially, 
when contrasted with his favourite position, that every 
branch of government was equally a judge of the uncon- 
stitutionality of a law; and bound to veto, or enforce it 
accordingly I Placed at the head of th^ nation to preserve 
the Constitution, as well as execute the laws, it was cer- 
tainly the duty of the President to act on his own exclu- 
sive responsibility; and it was the duty of the Secretary of 
State to abide by his own opinion, and to recommend the 
Executive to th^ same course, without reference to any 
balancing between two opinions, or any sacrifice of duty to 
Congress; which, after all, reduced his famous report al- 
most to a mere petitio principii. 

Mr. Jefferson, however, was destined to rise to the Pre- 
sidency; and he had a pre-sentiment that the immediate 



260 THE LIFE OF 

successor of Washington, presuming too far on public opin- 
ion, would cause a reaction in the people, and open the 
path to his ambition, and, properly regulated, it was cer- 
tainly a laudable ambition. Hence his advice to Monroe, 
' in the rneantime patience,^ let Washington, too colossal 
with the people to be touched, pass awayj and then we will 
struggle with his successors for the victory! 

Washington, having declinefd a re-election, and publish- 
ed his incomparable valedictory to the people of the United 
States, the two contending parties rallied with great zeal 
and warmth upon their separate candidates, the federalists 
uniting upon John Adcims, and the anti-federalists upon 
Mr. Jefferson! It is well known, that under the Con- 
stitution, at that period, the highest on the return was 
chosen President, and the lowest became Vice President; 
Mr. Adams was returned for the first, and Mr. Jefferson 
for the second, or Vice Presidency. 

It will be a matter of curiosity to know what Mr. Jeffer- 
son said upon this occasion; for we can hardly expect to 
ascertain what he thought, though we may conjecture with» 
out much deviation from the truth; and it will also be mat- 
ter of instructive curiosity, to ascertain how he conducted 
himself on this occasion, His first letter was addressed to 
his successful competitor, rejoicing in his victory! 

TO JOHN ADAMS. 

''dear sir, 3Ionticello, Dec. 28, 1796. 

The public, and the public papers, have been much occupied 
lately in placing us in a point of opposition to each other.* 
I confidently trust we have felt less of it ourselves ! In the 
retired canton where I live, we know little of what is pass» 
ing. Our last information from Philadelphia is of the 16th 
inst, At that date the issue of the late election seems not 
to have been known as a matter of fact. With me, how- 
ever, its issue was never doubted. I knew the impossibility 
of your losing a single vote north of the Delaware; and even 
if you should lose that of Pennsylvania in the mass, you 
would get enough south of it to make your election sure. I 
never, for a single moment, expected any 'other issue, and 
though I shall not be believed, yet it is not the less true, 

- r, » — ' ' 

* Mr. Jefferson prided himself in this opposition to the ** Monar- 
chists and Monocrats." 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 261 

that I never wished any other.* My neighbours, as my 
compurgators, could aver this fact, as seeing my occupations 
and my attachment to them. It is possible, indeed, that 
even you may be cheated of your succession by a trick wor- 
thy the subtlety of your arch friend of New York, who has 
been able to make of your real friends, tools for defeating 
their and your just wishes. Probably, however, he will be 
disappointed as to you; and my inclinations put me out of 
his reach. I leave to others the sublime delights of riding 
in the storm, better pleased with sound sleep and a warmer 
birth below it, encircled with the society of my neighbours, 
friends, and fellow labourers of the earth, rather than with 
spies and sycophants. Still, I shall value highly the share 
I may have had in the late vote, as a measure of the share I 
hold in the esteem of my fellow citizens. In this point of 
view, a few votes less are but little sensible, while a few 
more would have been in their eftect very sensible and op- 
pressive to me. I have no ambition to govern men. It is a 
painful and thankless office. And never since the day you 
signed the treaty of Paris, has our horizon been so overcast. 
I devoutly wish you may be able to shun for us this war, 
which will destroy our agriculture, commerce and credit. 
If you do, the glory will be all your own. And that your 
administration may be filled with glory and happiness to 
yourself, and advantage to us, is the sincere prayer of one, 
who, though in the course of our voyage, various little inci- 
dents have happened, or been contrived, to separate us, yet 
retains for you the solid esteem of the times when we Avere 
working for our independence, and sentiments of sincere 
respect and attachment. 

TH. JEFFERSON. 

The reader will ask for no comment on this letter. It is 
altogether unworthy of a great mind; and yet such was the 
weakness of the man who had a head to contrive a govern- 
ment for an empire, but wanted the moral courage to be true 
even to his own party, when addressing the victorious chief 
of that, to him, detested faction, i\\tmonarchicalJinglo7nen! 



* Here Mr. J. for want of a little moral courag-e, in which he was 
much deficient, makes a positive declaration of treachery to his own 
party! He then favoured the success of " Monarcliists and Mono- 
crats." 



262 THE LIFE OF 

I now turn to a letter written by him to James Madison, 
which throws a new light over the variable complexion of 
this extraordinary politician, and singular philosopher; and 
which so materially contributes to make up one of the most 
accomplished disciples of the great Florentine politician, 
that perhaps will ever flourish in this country. 

'*TO JAMES MADISON. 

Dear Sir, — Yours of December 19, is safely received. 
I never entertained a doubt of the event of the election. I 
knew that the eastern troops were trained in the schools of 
their town meetings, to sacrifice little differences of opinion 
to the solid advantages of operating in phalanx; and that 
the more free and moral agency of the other States would 
fully supply their deficiency. I had no expectation, indeed, 
that the vote would have approached so near an equality. It 
is difficult to obtain full credit to declarations of disinclina- 
tion to honors, and most so with those who still remain in 
the world. But never was there a more solid unwilling- 
ness, founded on rigorous calculation, formed in the mind 
of any man short of peremptory refusal. No arguments, 
therefore, were necessary to reconcile me to a relinquish- 
ment of the first office, or acceptance of the second.'^ JVo 
motive could have induced me to undertake the first, but that 
of putting our vessel upon her republican tack, and prevent- 
ing her being driven too far to leeward of her true princi- 
ples. And the second is the only office in the world about 
which I cannot decide in my own mind whether I would 
rather have it or not have it. Pride does not enter into the 
estimate. For I think with the Romans of old, that the 
general of to-day should be a common soldier to-morrow, if 
necessary. But as to Mr. Adams particularly, I could have 
no feelings which would revolt at being placed in a second- 
ary station to him, I am his junior in life, I was his junior 
in Congress, his junior in the diplomatic line, and lately his 
junior in our civil government. I had written him the en^ 
closed letter before the receipt of yourg. I had intended it 



* When Mr. JefFerson had ascertained that he had missed the 
Presidency, he seems to have set himself religiously at work, to con- 
vince every body that he not only did not expect it, but he wag sure 
he could not obtain it — that he rejoiced in his miscarriag-e, and thoug-ht 
it misfortune enoug-h to be oppressed with the Vice-Pbesidsnct! ! ! 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 263 

for some time, but had put it off from time to time, from 
the discouragement of despair to make hini believe me sin- 
cere. As the information by the last post does not make it 
necessary to change any thing in the letter, I enclose it, 
open for your perusal, as well that you may be possessed 
of the true state of dispositions between us, as that if there 
be any circumstance which might render its delivery ineli- 
gible, you may return it to me. If Mr. Adams could be 
induced to administer the government on its principles, 
quitting his bias for an English constitution, it would be 
worthy consideration whether it would not be for the public 
good to come to a good understanding with him as to his 
future e\ect\ons. He is the only sure barrier against Ha- 
milton's getting in. 

" The Political Progress is a work of value, and of a sin- 
gular complexion. The author's eye seems to be a natural 
achromatic, divesting every object of the glare of colour. 
The former work of the same title possessed the same kind 
of merit. They disgust one, indeed, by opening to his 
view the ulcerated state of the human mindU But to cure 
an ulcer, you must go to the bottom of it, which no author 
does more radically than this. The reflections into which 
it leads us are not very flattering to the human species. In 
the whole animal kingdom, I recollect no family but man, 
steadily and systematically employed in the destruction of 
itself. Nor does what is called civilisation produce any 
other effect than to teach him to pursue the principle of the 
bellum omnium in omnia, on a greater scale, and, instead 
of the little contests between tribe and tribe, to comprehend 
all the quarters of the earth in the same work of destruc- 
tion. If to this we add, that as to other animals, the lions 
and tygers are mere lambs compared with man as a destroy- 
er, we must conclude that Nature has been able to find in 
man alone a sufficient barrier against the too great multi- 
plication of other animals and of man*himself, an equilibrat- 
ing power against the fecundity of generation. While in 
making! these observations, my situation points my atten- 
ti(m to the welfare of man in the physical world, yours may 
perhaps present him as equally warring in the moral one. 
Adieu. Yours affectionately. TH. JEFFERSON." 

Mr. Jeff*erson being chosen Vice President, proceeded in 
February to Philadelphia, where he was sworn into office 



264 THE LIFE OF 

on the 4th of March, 1797, when he took the chair as pre- 
siding officer of the Senate, to which body he delivered a brief 
but pertinent address, expressive of his attachment to the 
Cojjstitution and laws of his country. 

This event, however, was without any importance to the 
country, and had no influence on its policyj for, having ta- 
ken the oath of office, and made his respects to the new 
President, he returned in July to Monticello, there to su- 
perintend the management of his plantation, indulge in the 
speculations of philosophy, or manage and stimulate the 
movements of political partisans, to the great final result 
of his elevation to the Presidential chair. 

Mr. Jefferson abstained from any co-operation with Mr. 
Adams, as Vice President, because he considered his office 
as constitutionally confined to legislative functions, and 
was therefore debarred from executive consultations. But 
had he been disposed to a cordial concurrence with the 
Executive, the opinions of Mr. Adams were too diametri- 
cally opposite to those of Mr. JetFerson to have permitted 
of any co-operation. Mr. Jefferson seems, however, to have 
been disappointed that no overtures of this kind were made 
to him.* 

The agitation of war with France, caused by the aggra- 
vated spoliations of that power, during the session of Con- 
gress of 1797, caused Mr Jefferson great excitement. Al- 
ways oppositedto war, his hatred of England caused him to 
regard a war with France as the last of national calamities. 
It will, however, always redound to his fame, that he ad- 
vocated a decided neutrality with all the powers of Europe, 
although he appeared unable to divest his mind of the phan- 
tom of English influence over the American government, 
and to believe that that power possessed over us a ruinous 
monopoly of commerce, trade and feeling, as well as a 
monopoly of '■our banks cind public funds.'' His extreme 
abhorrence of England caused him to look with a favoured 
eye upon the most outrageous spoliation?, and degrading 
indignities from France; estimating those evils as preferable 
to what he imagined would be the more intolerable ones of 
a closer connection with Great Britain. There was some- 
thing in his bitter dislike of England, indeed, which could 

* See Letters to James Sullivan, Eldridg-e Gerry, General Gates, 
James Madison, and Colonel Burr, dated 1797. 



THOMAS JEFFERSONi 265 

not altogether be reconciled to the feelings of a magnani- 
mous mind, which loses all sense of resentment, and buries 
in oblivion all remembrance of wrongs, when the battle is 
ended, and the hand of amity is extended in a mutual em- 
brace with the generous pledge of ' forget and forgive.' 

It was not made a point of concealment on the part of 
Mr. Jefferson, that from the moment he left the Cabinet of 
Washington, he had become a severe censurer of all the 
measures of government^ sometimes exonerating but gene- 
rally including the chief in his condemnation. Nothing 
pleased him; and he seemed resolved to be pleased with 
nothing. Secretly employed in fomenting discontent, and 
instigating to opposition, he yet professed to weep over the 
effects of party spirit, and to lament with grief of heart 
that such things should be! In a letter to Mr. Rutledge, 
of June 24, 1797, he thus bewails this heart-burning be- 
tween former friends now changed into political enemies:-— 
" This is, indeed, (he says) a most humiliating state of 
things; but it commenced in 1793. Causes have been add- 
ing to causes, and effects accumulating on eflects, from that 
time to this. We had in 1793 the most respectable cha- 
racter in the universe. What the neutral nations think of 
us now, I know not,* but we are low indeed with the belli- 
gerents. Their kicks and cuffs prove their contempt. If 
we weather the present storm, I hope we shall avail our- 
selves of the calm of peace to place our foreign connections 
under a new and different arrangement. We must make 
the interest of every nation stand surety for their justice; 
and their own loss to follow injury to us, as effect follows 
its cause. As to every thing except commerce, we ought 
to divorce ourselves from them all. But this system would 
require time, temper, wisdom, and occasional sacrifice of 
-interest; and how far all these will be ours, our children 
may see, but we shall not. The passions are too high at 
present to be cooled in our day,* You and I have formerly 



* It must be recollected that this moralising- comes from the prime 
mover and instigator of those passions! It was Jefferson who origin- 
ally fomented the feud and fever of the French revolutionary party; 
which has no more alRnity to this country than those of Poland, Swit- 
gerland, or Ireland. The principle of liberty involved was never 
objected to by an American; but to make common cause with any 
country' of Europe, stL'uggHng in the convulsions of a revolution, is 



2166 THE LIFE OF 

seen warm debates and high political passions. But gentle- 
men of different politics would then speak to each otlier, 
and separate the business of the Senate from that of societ^r. 
It is not so now. Men who have been intimate all their 
lives, cross the streets to avoid meeting, and turn their 
heads another way, lest they should be obliged to touch their 
hats. This may do for young men, with whom passion is 
enjoyment. But it is afflicting to peaceable minds. Tran- 
quillity is the old man^s milk. I go to enjoy it in a few 
days, and to exchange the roar and tumult of bulls and 
bears, for the prattle of my grandchildren, and senile rest. 
Be these yours, my dear friend, through long years, with 
every other blessing, and the attachment of friends as 
warm." &c. 

The newspapers, in the summer of 1797, having obtained 
a copy of his letter to ' Mazzei,' in which he questioned 
tlie patriotism of Washington, and accused him of the de- 
design of introducing a monarchy, Mr. Jetterson became 
much agitated under the severity of the public indignation, 
which it naturally excited, and addressed a long letter, 
dated the 3d of August, to Mr. Madison, asking his advice, 
whether he should avow the letter, and incur the hostility 
of ' nine-tenths of the people,' with whom Washington was 
popular, or remain quiet, and stand a chance of escaping 
the odium and detestation of its calumnious sentiments. 
Speaking of this subject, he observes "Now it would be 
impossible for me to explain this publicly, without bringing 
on a personal difference between General IVashington and 
7nyself, lohich nothing before the publication of this letter 
has ever done. It woidd embroil me also ivith all those with 
whom his character is still 2iopular;* that is to say, nine- 

what no sound patriot or genuine statesman can advocate. Yet was 
tliis the ground of dissention, wliich fomented parties to the excess so 
pathetically deplored by Mr. Jefferson! 

* Mr. Jefferson here speaks of the character of Washing-ton, as if It 
had been impaired, and his popularity diminished by some act of a 
vicious or censurable nature: — 'v^^ith whom his character is still po- 
pular.' It would be difficult to find any of the people with whom he 
was not at all times popular. Demagog-ues md candidates far office 
are the sole exceptions. It was certainly a daring scheme to attempt 
to obtain the Presidency by the destruction ofthe character of Georob 
Washington, by a secret system of insinuation and slander, imputing 
the most detestable treasons to the purest and noblest of mortals! 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. ^^67 

tenths of the people of the United States, and what good 
ivoidctte obtained by avowing the letter, with the necessary 
explanations? Very little, indeed, in my opinion, to coun- 
terbalance a good deal of harm.'^^ 

At a date subsequent to this, September 1, 1797, in a 
letter to Colonel Arthur Campbell, he repeats all the sub- 
stance of his letter to MazzeU! He here tertns the party 
of Washington ' old tories,' who aim to bring back the 
government to Monarchy, and wliom he stigmatises as 
' treacherous emissaries. ' 

It is very extraordinary that Mr. Jefferson could never 
divest himself of a rankling envy of the fame of Washing- 
ton. In a letter to Mr. Madison,;^dated Philadelphia, Feb- 
ruary 15, 1798, he says, ' A great ball is to be given here 
on the 22d, and in other great towns of the Union. This 
is, at least, very indelicate, and probably excites uneasy 
sensations in some. I see in it, however, this useful de- 
duction, that the birth days which have been kept, have 
been, not those of the President, but of the General.' No, 
not of the general,' but of the father of his country. He 
now drew the cords of his correspondence closer with 
General Gates, in whose disappointed bosom rankled a 
congenial hatred of George Washington! In a letter to 
Mr. Madison, of March 2, 1798, he thus continues to 
vent his spleen against the saviour of our country. '' The 
late birth-night has certainly sown tares among the ex- 
clusive federalists. It has winnowed the grain from the 
chaft\ The sincerely Adamites did not go. The Washing - 
tonians went religiously, and took the secession of the 
others in high dudgeon. The one sect threatens to desert 
the levees, the other the parties. The Whigs went in num- 
ber, to encourage the idea that the birth-nights, hitherto 
kept, had been for the General, and not the President; and 
of course that time would bring an end to them. Goodhue, 
Sedgwick, &c. did not attend; but the three Secretaries 
and Attorney General did." 

It must forever excite astonishment, that Mr. Jefferson's 
envious feelings towards Washington, should have been 
so powerful as to blind his sagacity to the intrinsic great- 
ness of that incomparable man, as to lead him to believe 
that his celebrity was owing to birth-night balls; and that 
an unworthy trick of the whigs, in attending those balls, 
could break down the colossal o-enius of a man who had 



268 THE LIFE OF 

raised an empire from the dust and blood of a revolution of 
ragged soldiers, and an empty treasury! Yet such is the 
madness of party. Mr. Jeiferson used the term ' ivhigs^ 
in contradistinction to the Washmgtonians, whom he styled 
toriesj yet tlie Washington ivhigs were the men who urged 
the Declaration of Independence, fought knee deep in blood 
to gain it, ami carried into successful practice a republican 
constitution to secure it. Among these too, Alexander 
Hamilton stood first, in proud pre-eminence, justly glo- 
rious. 

The patriot will never cease to lament that Mr. Jefter- 
son ever descended to the arts of the politician to secure 
a station which could not enhance his fame, and w hich has 
only served to embody, in historical evidence, the fallacy 
of all the charges which he ever adduced again-st his great 
I'ivalj for the history of every democratic administration 
has been, eventually, a mere imitation of the federal policy 
of the father of his country ! 

Mr. Jefferson's letters to Mr. Madison now began to 
teem with exhortations to make a free and bold use of his 
pen in the public papers, in order to produce a favourable 
impression previous to the approaching elections^ and to 
point out to him what subjects to touch with most advan- 
tage to the cause. How far Mr. Madison complied wdtli 
these requests, it is not our business now to enquire. 

The crisis of Mr. Adams's crimes and follies, and the 
fate of his administration, were now rapidly approaching; 
and as some idea may be formed of the progress of events 
at that time from the following letter, I quote it entire. 

TO JAMES MADISON. 

Philadelphia, April 26, 1798. 
*' Dear Sir — The bill for the naval armament, (twelve 
vessels) passed by a majority of about four to three in the 
House of Representatives; all restrictions on the objects 
for which the vessels should be used were struck out. The 
bill for establishing a department of Secretary of the Navy, 
was tried yesterday, on its passage to the third reading, 
and prevailed by forty-seven against forty-one. It will be 
read the third time to-day. The provisioned army of 
20,000 men will meet some difficulty. It would surely be 
rejected, if our members were all here. Giles, Clopton, 
Cabell and Nicholas, have gone, and Clay goes to-morrow. 
He received here news of the death of his wife. Parker 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 269 

has completely gone over to the war party. In this state 
of things they will carry what they please.' One of the war 
party, in a fit of unguarded passion, declared some time 
ago they w^ould pass a citizen bill, an alien bill, and a 
SEDITION bill: accordingly, some days ago, Coit laid amo- 
tion on the table of the House of Representatives, for modi- 
fying the citizen law. Their threats pointed at Gallatin,* 
and it is believed they will endeavour to reach him by this 
bill. Yesterdaay Mr. Hillhouse laid on the table of the Senate, 
a motion for giving power to send away suspected ali ens. This 
is understood to be meant for Volney and Collet. But it will 
not stop there, when it gets into a course of execution. 
There is now only wanting to accomplish the whole decla- 
ration before mentioned, a sedition bill, which we shall 
certainly soon see proposed. The objectof that is the sup- 
pression of the whig presses. Backers has been particularly 
named.t That paper and also Carey's, totter for want of 
subscriptions. We should really exert ourselves to procure 
them; for, if these papers fall, republicanism will be entirely 
brow beaten. Carey's paper comes out three times a week, 
at'five dollars. The meeting of the people which was called 
at New York, did nothing. It was found that the majority 
would be against the address. They therefore chose to cir- 
culate it individually. The committee of ways and means, 
have voted a land tax. An additional tax on salt, will cer- 
tainly be proposed in the House, and probably prevail to 
some degree. I'he stoppage of interest on the public debt, 
will also, perhaps, be proposed, but not with eftect. In the 
mean time, that paper cannot be sold. Hamilton is coming 
on as Senator from New York. There have been so much 
contrivance and combination, as to show there is some great 
object in hand. Troup, the District Judge of New York, 
resigns towards the close of the session of their Assembly. 
The appointment of Mr. Hobart, their Senator, to succeed 

* In one of Mr. Jefferson's letters, he ascribes the origin of the tory 
party, to foreigners; whereas the anti-federahsts were made up of 
foreigners; for instance, Gallatin, a Swiss — Callender, a Scot — Dal- 
las, an Englishman— Duane, an Irishman — Tench Coxe, an Eng- 
lishman — Blair M'Clenegan, an Irishman— with others, too number- 
less to mention. 

f This paper was under, the special patronage of Mr. Jefferson; 
and was notorious for its coarse calumnies against Wasliington an(i 
its ultra democracy of doctrine. 

Y 2 



270 THE LIFE OF 

Troup, is not made by the President till after the Assembly 
had risen; otherwise,' they would have chosen the Senator 
in place of Hobart. Jay then names Hamilton Senator, but 
not till a day or two before his own election as Governor 
was to come on, lest the unpopularity of the nomination 
should be in time to eftect his own election. We shall see 
in what all this is to end; but surely in something. The 
popular movement in the eastern States is checked, as we 
expected, and war addresses are showering in from New 
Jersey, and tlie great trading towns. However, we still 
trust, that a nearer view of war and a land tax will oblige 
the great mass of the people to attend. At present, the war- 
hawks talk of Septemberising, deportation, and the examples 
for quelling sedition set by the French Executive. All the 
firmness of the human mind is now in a state of requisition." 
It will, no doubt, startle the reader with some surprise to 
discover, that as far back as 1798, the democratic party 
contemplated a secession of some of the Southern States 
from the Union — that the proposition was made to Mr, 
Jefferson, and that he instantly frowned it into oblivion, 
and revolted with the just honour of patriotism from the 
suicidal thought. As the recent agitation of the same 
scheme has given it great importance, the opinions of Mr. 
Jefferson upon this question must excite an interest and 
curiosity, beyond those of any other man — -more especially 
as his authority \i2i'& been quoted with such entire confidence 
in favour of the doctrine of Nullification. And here, I 
cannot avoid expressing the delight with which I can again 
behold Mr. Jefferson, in the attitude of the patriot and the 
statesman, divested of the contaminating poison of party, 
his great mind self-poised on legitimate principles of con- 
stitutional liberty; and in all the substantial attributes of a 
federalist, approximating to the purity and grandeur of 
Washington himself. The following is the letter on the 
subject of State secession, which, with the exception of the 
commencement, relating to Generals Washington and Ha- 
milton, does equal honour to the head and the heart of the 
author of the Declaration of Independence, 

TO JOHN TAYLOR. 

'' Philadelphia, June 1, 1798. 
''Mr. New showed me your letter on the subject of the 
patent, which gave me an opportunity of observing what 
you said as to the effect, with you of public proceedings, 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 271 

and that it was not unwise now to estimate that separate 
mass of Virginia and North Carolina, with a view to 
THEIR separate EXISTENCE. It is tiTic, that we are com- 
pletely under the saddle of Massachusetts and Connecticut, 
and that they ride us very hard, cruelly insulting our feel- 
ings, as well as exhausting our strength and subsistence. 
Their natural friends, the three other eastern States, join 
them from a sort of family pride, and they have the art to 
divide certain other parts of the Union, so as to make use 
of them to govern the whole. This is not new: it is the old 
practice of despots, to use a part of the people to keep the 
rest in order. And those who have once got an ascendancy 
and possessed themselves of all the resources of the nation, 
their revenues and offices, have immense means for retain- 
ing their advantage. But our present situation is not a 
natural one.* The republicans through every part of the 
Union say, that it was the irresistible influence and popu- 
larity of General Washington, played off by the cunning of 
Hamilton, which turned the government over to anti-repub- 
lican hands, or turned the republicans chosen by the people 
into anti-republicans. He delivered it over to his successor 
in this states and very untoward events since, improved 
with great artifice, have produced on the public mind the 
impressions we see. But still I repeat it, this is not the 
natural state. Time alone would bring round an order of 
things more correspondent to the sentiments of our consti- 
tuents. But are there no events impending, which will do 
it within a few months? The crisis with England, the pub- 
lic and authentic avowal of sentiments hostile to the leading 
principles of our Constitution, the prospect of a war, in 
which we shall stand alone, land tax, stamp tax, in- 
crease of public debt, &c. Be this as it may, in every free 
and deliberating society, there must, from the nature of 
man, be opposite parties, and violent dissentions and dis- 
cordsj and one of these, for the most part, must prevail 
over the other for a longer or shorter time. Perhaps this 
party division is necessary, to induce each to watch and 
dilate to the people the proceedings of the other. But if 



* In respect to party-measures, such as the mad acts of John 
Adams, certainly not — but in respect to the Nationai. roLicT, it cer- 
tainly was, for Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, Mr. Monroe, and J. Q. 
Adams, ail continued to practise tlie same national policy! 



272 THE LIFE OF 

on a temporary superiority of the one party ^ the other is to 
resort to a scission of the union, no federal government can 
ever exist. If to rid ourselves of the present rule of Massa- 
chusetts and Connecticut.^ we break the union, will the 
evil end there? Suppose the New England States alone cut 
oft', will our natures be changed? Are we not men still to 
the South of that, and with all the passions of men? Im- 
mediately we shall see a Pennsylvania and a Virginia party 
arise in the residuary confederacy, and the public mind will 
be distracted with the same party spirit. What a game too 
will the one party have in their hands, by eternally threat- 
ening the other, that unless they do so and so, they will 
join their northern neighbours. If we reduce our Union to 
Virginia and North Carolina, immediately the conflict will 
be established between the representatives of these two 
States, and they will end by breaking into their simple units. 
Seeing, therefore, that an association of men who will not 
quarrel with one another, is a thing which never yet existed, 
from the greatest confederacy of nations, down to a town 
meeting, or a vestry; seeing that we must have some body 
to quarrel with, I had rather keep our New England asso- 
ciates for that purpose, than to see our bickerings transferred 
to others. They are circumscribed within such narrow 
limits, and their population so full, that their numbers will 
ever be the minority; and they are marked like the Jews, 
with such a perversity of character, as to constitute, from 
that circumstance, the natural division of our parties. A 
little patience, and we shall see the reign of witches pass 
over, their spells dissolved, and the people recovering their 
true sight, restoring their government to its true principles. 
It is true, that in the mean time, we are suffering deeply in 
spirit, and incurring the horrors of a war, and long oppres- 
sions of enormous public debt. But ivho can say what 

WOULD BE THE EVILS OF A SCISSION, AND WHEN AND WHERE 
THEY WOULD END? BeTTER KEEP TOGETHER AS WE ARE, 

haul off from Europe as soon as we can, and from all attach- 
ments to any part of it; and if they show their power just 
sufficiently to hoop us together, it will be the happiest situa- 
tion in which we can exist. If the game runs sometimes 
against us at home, we must have patience till luck turns, 
and then we shall have an opportunity of winning back the 
principles we have lost. For this is a game, where princi- 
ples are the stake. Better luck, therefore, to us all," &c. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON'. 273 

This letter is fraught witli copious matter for reflection^ 
and while it presents us with a vague and undefined picture 
of what Mr. Jefferson esteemed as the opposites of republi- 
can principles, it likewise manifests so much coincidence of 
opinion with what we may call the leading features of the 
TVashington policy^ as to leave a doubt on the mind, to 
which party the writer adhered, and which doubt is only 
solved by his inveterate and bitter prejudice against the 
New England States, and his unjust sarcasm against 
Washington's popularity, and Hamilton's cunning. It is 
conclusive, from this letter, as well as much other testimony 
to be found under the signature of Mr. Jefferson, that he 
created a party distinguished by no essential contrariety of 
principle from that of Washington, and marked by no vital 
diversity of practice, in order to gratify his envy of that 
towering man, and his vengeance of his powerful and bril- 
liant rival. General Hamilton — so that when he was pushed 
to the extreme point, he found it hard to tell for what he 
was contending, but that he ivas not President, and another 
was! I do not now speak of that monstrous fungus of 
tyranny, which John Adams heaped upon the temple of the 
Washington policy, to break it down with the weight of the 
ALIEN and sEDiTiOxX LAWS, and which so justly hurled that 
infatuated man, from the pinnacle of power, into the gulf 
of public perdition and political infamy; but I speak of that 
original and perpetuated policy of Washington, which Mr. 
Jefferson, when elected to the Presidency was compelled 
finally to adopt'— -which, under his successor, Mr. Madison, 
became more emphatically confirmed, so that the difference 
between him and Alexander Hamilton totally vanished into 
' thin air,' as no longer to be discernable; ancl which, under 
James Monroe, became the humble imitation of the great 
FEDERAL SYSTEM, in thcory, in practice, and in form. 

In a letter of November 26, 1798, to John Taylor, Mr. 
Jefferson wishes it were possible to procure an amendment 
of the constitution, ' taking from the federal government 
the POWER OF BORROWING.' It is really wonderful that a 
statesman of his sagacity, should have suggested an alter- 
^.tion in the organic laiv, which would reduce the Union 
to a non-combatant in war, and a non-producer in peace! 
It was nothing short of a proposition to dissolve the con^ 
federacy. 

To counterbalance the weakness of this suggestion, he 



274 THE LIFE OF 

gives US a free and ample definition of his political creed, 
in a letter to Mr. Gerrj, dated January 26, 1799, from 
which I make the following extract, with that pride which 
a republican admirer of Mr. Jefferson must always feel at 
the annunciation of principles that he reveres, and with 
that pleasure which is always enjoyed at the exaltation of 
the object of our regard. 

" In confutation of these, and all future calumnies, says 
Mr. J. by way of anticipation, I shall make to you a pro- 
fession of my political faith j in confidence that you will 
consider every future imputation on me of a contrary cwn- 
plexion, as bearing on its front the mark of falsehood and 
calumny. 

" I do then, with a sincere zeal, wish an inviolable preser- 
vation of our present federal constitution, according to the 
true sense in which it was adopted by the States, that in 
which it was advocated by its friends, and not that which 
its enemies apprehended, who therefore became its ene- 
mies; and I am opposed to monarchising its features by the 
forms of its administration, with a view to conciliate a first 
transition to a President and Senate for life, and from 
that to an hereditary tenure of these offices, and thus- 
to worm out the elective principle. I am for preserving 
to the States the powers not yielded by them to the 
Union, and to the Legislature of the Union its constitu- 
tional share in the division of powers; and I am not for 
transferring all the powers of the States to the general 
government, and all those of that government to the Exe- 
cutive branch. I am for a government rigorously frugal and 
simple, applying all the possible savings of the public reve- 
nue to the discharge of the national debt; and not for a mul- 
tiplication of officers and salaries, merely to make partisans, 
and for increasing, by every device, the public debt, on the 
principle of its being a public blessing. I am for relying for 
internal defence, on our militia solely, till actual invasion, 
and for such a naval force only as may protect our coasts and 
harbours* from such depredations as we have experienced^ 



* Mr. Jefferson, when elected President, attempted to carry this 
feature of his policy into practice; and the g-un-boat system will for- 
ever remain on the page of history, as one of those inevitable abor- 
tions of capricious philosophy, and perverse politics, which results 
from the chimerical spirit of puritanical reform. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 275 

and not for a standing army in time of peace, which may 
overawe the public sentiment: nor for a navy, which by its 
own expenses and the eternal wars in which it will impli- 
cate us, will grind us with public burdens, and sink us 
under them. I am for free commerce with all nations; 
political connection with none; and little or no diplomatic 
establishment. And I am not for linking ourselves by new 
treaties with the quarrels of Europe; entering that field of 
slaughter to preserve their balance, or joining in the con- 
federacy of Kings to war against the principles of libertv. 
I AM FOR FREEDOM of RELIGION, 0)1(1 cigalnst all mcmoeiivres 
to bring about the legal ascendancy of one sect over another: 
FOR FREEDOM OF THE PRESS, aiid agaiust all violations of 
the constitution to silence by force, and not by reason, the 
complaints or criticisms, just or unjust, of our citizens, 
against the conduct of their agents. And I am for en- 
couraging the progress of science in all its branches; and 
not for raising a hue and cry against the sacred name of 
philosophy, for awing the human mind by stories of raw- 
head and bloody bones, to a distrust of its own vision; and 
to repose implicitly on that of others; to go backwards in- 
stead of forwards to look for improvement; to believe that 
government, religion, morality, and qxqyj other science 
were in the highest perfection in ages of the darkest igno- 
rance, and that nothing can ever be devised more perfect 
than what was established by our forefathers. To these, I 
will add, that I was a sincere well-wisher to the success ot 
the French revolution, and still wish it may end in the 
establishment of a free and well ordered republic, but I 
have not been insensible under the atrocious depredations 
they have committed on our commerce. The first object 
of my heart is my own country. In that is embarked my 
family, my fortune and my own existence. I have not one 
farthing of interest, nor one fibre of attachment out of it, 
nor a single motive of preference of any one nation to an- 
other, but in proportion as they are more or less friendly 
to us. But, though deeply feeling the injuries of France, 
I did not think war the surest means of redressing them. 
I did believe that a mission, sincerely disposed to preserve 
peace, would obtain for us a peaceable and honourable set- 
tlement and retribution; and I appeal to you to say, whether 
this might not have been obtained, if either of your col- 
leagues had been of the same sentiment with yourself." 



276 THE LIFE OF 

He concludes, bj assuring Mr. Gerry that he differs in no 
opinion from him, having even come to give his approbation 
and sanction to the fund hi g system.' 

In a letter to Dr. Rush, of September 23, 1800, he thus 
speaks: 'they believe that any portion of power confided 
to me will be exerted in opposition to their schemes to 
found a church establishment! and they believe rightly, 
for I have sworn, upon the altar of God, eternal hos- 
tility AGAINST EVERY FORM OF TYRANNY OVER THE MINt) 
OF MAN.' 

We have now arrived at an important era in the life of 
Mr. Jefferson. The gross abuses and usurpations of Mr. 
Adams having caused a revulsion of public sentiment, Mr. 
Jefferson, as the candidate of the republican party for the 
Presidency, received seventy-three votes, and Mr. Adams, 
the federal candidate sixty -five. Mr. Burr, on the same 
ticket with Jefferson, received also seventy -three votes, 
under standingly , for the Vice Presidency; but this equality y 
according to the then clause of the constitution, brought 
the election into the House of Representatives; where, on 
the thirty-sixth ballot, and amidst unprecedented excite- 
ment, Mr. Jefferson was chosen President, and Colonel 
Burr became Vice President of the United States. 

Mr. Jefferson was accordingly inducted into office on the 
4th of March, 1801; and delivered his inaugural address to 
both Houses of Congress. In this celebrated paper, he repeats 
his political creed, as already recited in his letter to Mr. 
Gerry, accompanied by strong exhortations to the contend- 
ing parties, to unite in harmonious efforts for the general 
good, being all brethren of the sa^ne principle; and exclaim- 
ing, 'we are all REPUBLICANS, WE ARE ALL FEbERAL- 

isTs;' he appeared to view the discords of party as vision- 
ary in their objects, and as pernicious in their influence!! 
W^hetlier his want of moral courage led him to thus con- 
ciliate the federal party; or whether he now acted from the 
honest consciousness of his heart, that when power was 
obtained, party hostility was no longer necessary, or useful, 
I shall leave to the reader to decide. The expression gave 
offence to all parties; the democrats thought it destroyed 
their merit; and the federalists deemed themselves insulted 
by the sophistry of a 'Jesuit;' nor is it easy to perceive how 
a politician like Mr. Jefferson, who had been contending 
for the preservation of the republic from the jaws of a regal 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 277 

party, tories in principle and traitors in design, could so 
suddenly claim to belong to the same school^ fraternise 
with monarchists and monocrats, and denounce the invidi- 
ous distinctions of party, as inimical to the national ^afety, 
and derogatory to the national honour. 

Whatever may have been the insincerity of Mr. Jeffer- 
son's party principles anterior to the election, it certainlv 
manifested a magnanimous disposition, as well as a patrf- 
otic spirit, thus to proclaim the truth of a uniformity of 
free principles among the American people,* and to depre- 
cate those feuds and dissentions which arose from the un- 
just imputation of monarchical views, on the one hand, and 
Jacobinical licentiousness on the other. To a philosophic 
mind, such as his undoubtedly was, it would appear as the 
climax of absurdity, to continue to wage a war of preposter- 
ous imputations, after the attainment of victory had resulted 
in the calm enjoyment of power, on his part, and the wea- 
ponless subjugaton of his opponents, on the other. All 
motive for crimination was now removed; the outs had got 
in, and the dejected party were too sensibly prostrated to 
maintain resistance beyond the point of defeat. To cla- 
mour the old cant, in this state of serene enjoyment of 
authority, was not only impolitic but impracticable. The 
criminal career of Mr. Adams had cured itself; and as his 
measures had no foundation in the principles or constitution 
of the country, but violated both, it was but declaring what 
facts had proved, that the .American people, who had re- 
jected Mr. Adams, were brethren of the same principle; 
that they were all republicans and all federalists; all 
equally devoted to liberty, and all firmly attached to the 
Union, the Constitution, and the Independence of the 
United States. 

In a letter to Moses Robinson, of March 23, 1801, he 
thus expresses his opinions of the two parties, republicans 
and federalists; *'When our fellow citizens examine the 
real principles of both parties, I think they will find little to 
differ about. I know, indeed, that there are some of their 
leaders who have so committed themselves, that pride, if 
no other passion, will prevent their coalescing. We must 
be easy with them. The eastern states will be the last to 
come over, on account of the dominion of the clergy, who 
had got a smell of union between church and state, and 
beffan to indulge reveries which can never be realised in the 

B => Z 



^7'$ THfi LIFE OF 

present state of science. If, indeed, they could have pre- 
vailed on us to view all advances in science as dangerous 
innovations, and to look back to the opinions and practices 
of our. forefathers, instead of looking forward for improve- 
ment, a promising ground-work would have been laid. But 
I am in hopes their good sense will dictate to them, that, 
since the mountain will not come to them, they had better 
go to the mountain; that they will find their interest in 
acquiescing in the liberty and science of their country; 
and that the Christian religion, when divested of the rags 
in which they have enveloped it, and brought to the origi- 
nal purity and simplicity of its benevolent institution, is a 
religion of all others most friendly to liberty, science, and 
the freest expansion of the human mind." 

Mr, Jefferson having now become President, it is a na- 
tural enqury to make, how far he corrected the abuses of 
his predecessor, and in what special objects his administra- 
tion differed from that of George Washington. These par- 
ticulars, Mr. J. himself, has detailed in a letter to Nathan- 
iel Macon. 

* Levees are done away:' — hut Mr. Madison revived 
themJ^—' Communications are made by the President to 
Congress by message, iiistead of being delivered in person; 
and no response is made to the messages.' — « The diplo- 
matic establishment in Europe will be reduced to three 
ministers.' — 'The compensations to collectors limited by 
act of Congress.' — ' The army is undergoing a chaste re- 
formation.' — 'The navy will be reduced to the legal es- 
tablishment.' — ' Agencies iw every department will be 
revised.' — Economy to be the oi^der of the day.' 

Important questions of policy in relation to removals and 
appointments were now to be settled by the new President. 
He was anxious on the one hand to heal party wounds, and 
harmonize all differences; and on the otlier, he was still 
more anxious to appoint friends in the place of enemies. 
In this state of mind, he addressed the followmo- letter 

TO ELDRIDGE GERRY. 

Washington, March 29, 1801. 

'' My Dear Sir — Your two letters of January the 15th, 

and February the 29th, came safely to hand, and I thank 

you for the history of a transaction which will ever be 

mteresting in our affairs. It has been very precisely as I 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 279 

had imagined. I thought, on your return, that if you had 
come forward boldly, and appealed to the public by a full 
statement, it would have had a great eflfect in your favour 
personally, and that of the republican cause then oppressed 
almost unto death. But I judged from a tact of the south- 
ern pulse. I suspect that of the north was different, and 
decided your conduct, and perhaps it has been as well. If 
the revolution of sentiment has been later, it has perhaps 
been not less sure. At length it has arrived. What with 
the natural current of opinion, which has been setting over 
to us foF-eighteen months, and the immense impetus which 
was given it from the 11th to the 17th of February, we may 
now say that the United States, from New York south- 
wardly^ are as unanimous in the principles of '76, as they 
were in '76. The only difference is, that the leaders who 
remain behind are more numerous and bolder than the apos- 
tles of toryism in '76. The reason is, that we are now justly 
more tolerant than we could safely have been then, circum^^ 
stanced as we were. Your part of the Union, though as 
absolutely republican as ours, had drunk deeper of the de- 
lusion, and is therefore slower in recovering from it. The 
aegis of government, and the temples of religion and of jus- 
tice, have all been prostituted there, to toll us back to the 
times when we burnt witches. But your people will rise 
again.* They will awake like Samson from his sleep, and 
carry away the gates and posts of the city. You, my friend, 
are destined to rally them again under their former ban- 
ners, and when called to the post, exercise it with firmness 
and with inflexible adherence to your own principles. The 
people will support you, notwithstanding the bowlings of 
the ravenous crew from whose jaws they are escaping. It 
will be a great blessing to our country^ if ive can once more 
restore harmony and social love among its citizens. I con- 
fess, as to myself, it is almost the first object of my heart, 
and one to which I would sacrifice every thing but principle. 
With the people I have hopes of effecting it. But their 
coRYPH^i are incurables. I expect little from them." 
"I was not deluded by the eulogiums of the public pa^ 



* Let the reader contrast this picture of the people of NeW Eng- 
land, with that in a preceding letter, to John Jay, where they are 
painted as the Jews of America, and the natural opponents of the 
people of the south. 



280 THE LIFE OF 

p€rs in the first moments of change. If they could have 
continued to get all the loaves and fishes, that is, if I would 
have gone over to them, they would continue to eulogise. 
But I well knew that the moment that such removals should 
take place, as the justice of the preceding administration 
ought to have executed, their hue and cry would be set up, 
and they would take their old stand. I shall disregard 
that also. Mr. Adams's last appointments, w hen he knew 
he was naming counsellors and aids for me, and not for 
himself, I set aside as far as depends on me. Officers who 
have been guilty of gross abuses of office, such asmarshalls 
packing juries, &c. I shall now remove, as my predecessor 
ouffht in justice to have done. The instances Avill be few, 
ftnd governed by strict rule, not party passion. The right 
of opinion shall suffer no invasion from 7ne. Those who 
have acted well have nothing to fear, however they may 
have differed from me in opinion ^ those who have done ill, 
however, have nothing to hope: nor shall I fail to do jus- 
tice, lest it should be ascribed to that difference of opinion. 
A coalition of sentiments is not for the interest of the 
printers. They, like the clergy, live by the zeal they can 
kindle, and the schisms they can create. It is contest of 
opinion in politics, as well as religion, which rnakes us take 
great interest in them, and bestow our money liberally on 
those who furnish aliment to our appetite. The mild and 
simple principles of the Christian philosophy would produce 
too much calm, too much regularity of good, to extract 
from its disciples a support for a numerous priesthood, 
were they not to sophisticate it, ramify it, split it into hairs, 
and twist its texts till they cover the divine morality of its 
author with mysteries, and require a priesthood to explain 
them.* The quakers seem to have discovered this. They 
have no priests, therefore no schisms. They judge of the 
text by the dictates of common sense and common morality. 
So the printers can never have us in a state of perfect rest 
and union of opinion. They would be no longer useful, 

* If I can understand Mr. Jefferson, he accuses the priesthood of 
a crafty fraud, to extort a hving" from the over-heated zeal of in- 
fatuated big"ots. Is this just, or liberal? He then compares priit- 
TEns to PRIESTS, and charg^esthem with the same crafty fraud! ! Yet 
Mr. J. professed to espouse the liberty of the press, and to vindicate 
the freedom of religious opinions! ! — both of which he here violates 
and denounces ! Alas for poor human nature. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 281 

and would have to go to the plough.* In the first moments 
of quietude which have succeeded the election, they seem 
to have aroused their lying faculties beyond their ordinary 
state, to re-agitate the public mind." 

Three months after this, his appetite for harmony sud- 
denly changed into a thirst for war, and he thus wrote to 
Gideon Granger, on the 3d of May, 1801 — " I never 
dreamed that all opposition was to cease. The clergy, who 
have missed their union with the State, the Anglomen who 
have missed their union with England, and the political 
adventurers who have lost the chance of swindling and 
plunder in the waste of public money, will never cease to 
bawl, on the breaking up of their sanctuary." 

An important event in the political life of Mr. Jefferson 
now occurred. This was the acquisition of Louisiana, by 
purchase, /ro?7i France; to accomplish which object, Mr. 
Monroe was commissioned, as minister extraordinary, with 
Chancellor Livingston, to proceed to Paris, and negociate 
for the cession. The^foUowing letter to General Gates, who, 
being the enemy of Washington naturally became the 
friend of Jefferson, will display the feelings and views of 
the latter upon this occasion. 

TO GENERAL GATES. 

Washixgtok, July 11, 1803. 
'' Dear General — I accept with pleasure, and with plea- 
sure reciprocate your congratulations on the acquisition of 
Louisiana; for it is a subject of mutual congratulation, as 
it interests every man of the nation. The territory ac- 
quired, as it includes all the waters of the Missouri and 
Mississippi, has more than doubled the area of the United 
States, and the new part is not inferior to the old in soil, 
climate, productions, and important communications. If 
our legislature dispose of it with the wisdom we have a 
right to expect, they may make it i\\Q^ means of tempting all 
our Indians, on the east side of the Mississippi, to remove 



* Would Mr. J. have ventured on this proscription of the freedom 
of the press prior to his election > AVe tl^ink not. He only hated 
the means by wliich he rose to power, when he felt himself no longer 
in need of its assistance: — a littleness of soul which we would hardly 
expect to find in one of his enlarged powers of intellect. But per- 
haps his hatred against the press was excited by its prostitution to 
ignorant mechanics, and its utter destitution of science, genius and 
IjterMure! 

Z 2. 



282 THE LIFE OF 



to the west, and of condensing, instead of scattering, our 
population. I find our opposition is very willing to pluck 
feathers from Monroe, although not fond of sticking them 
into Livingston's coat. The truth is, both have a just por- 
tion of merit; and were it necessary, or proper, it would be 
shown that each has rendered peculiar services.-' 

In another letter, to Judge Breckenridge, he thus follows 
up his ideas of exultation at this bright achievement of his 
administration: — *' Objections are raising to the eastward 
against the vast extent of our boundaries, and propositions 
are made to exchange Louisiana, or a part of it, for the 
Floridas. But, as I have said, we shall get the Floridas 
without, and I would not give one inch of the waters of 
the Mississippi to any nation; because I see, in a light very- 
important to our peace, the exclusive right to its naviga- 
tion, and the admission of no nation into it, but as into the 
Potomac or Delaware, with our consent, and under our 
police. These federalists see in this acquisition the forma- 
tion of a new confederacy, embracing all the waters of the 
Mississippi, on both sides of it, and a separation of its east- 
ern waters from us." 

One of the most efficient virtues, as well as chief beauties 
of the character of Mr. Jefferson, consisted in the simplicity 
of his mind, that influenced him to avoid ostentation, pomp, 
ceremony, and vain parade, and inclined him to give a pre- 
ference to every 7node of performing an action, which com- 
bined the greatest convenience, and avoided the least dis- 
play. An application having been made to him by some of 
the citizens of Boston, in August, 1803, to ascertain the 
date of his birth, in order to celebrate his birth-day, he de- 
clined to communicate the information in a letter to Levi 
Lincoln, couched in the following words: "With respect to 
the day on which they wish to fix their anniversary, they 
may be told, that disapproving myself of transferring the 
honours and veneration for the ^reat birth-day of our republic 
to any individual, or of dividing them with individuals, / 
have declined letting 7ny own birth-day be known, and have 
engaged my family not to communicate it. This has been 
the uniform answer to every application of the kind. " 

Here we behold a sacrifice of personal vanity to prin- 
ciple, which is worthy of unqualified praise and admiration; 
which has few examples in history, and which is apt to be 
too little appreciated by the people. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 283 

His Constitutional integrity was equally striking. In a 
letter to Wilson C. Nicholas, he resisted all arguments to 
induce him to acquiesce in the construction of the Constitu- 
tion, in order to bring Louisiana into the Union, contrary 
to his idea of procuring a special grant of power from the 
States, for that purpose. He says, '« When an instrument 
admits two constructions, the one safe, the other dangerous, 
the one precise, the other indefinite, I prefer that which is 
safe and precise. I had rather ask an enlargement of power 
from the nation, where it is found necessary, than to assume 
it by a construction which ivould make our poivers bound- 
less. Our peculiar security is in the possession of a written 
Constitution. Let us not m,ake it a blank paper by construc- 
tion. I say the same as to the opinions of those who con- 
sider the grant of the treaty making power as boundless. If 
it is, then we have no Constitution. If it has bounds, they 
can be no others than the definitions of the powers which 
that instrument gives. It specifies and delineates the ope- 
rations permitted to the federal government," &c. "I 
confess, then, I think it important, in the present case, to 
set an example against 6ro«f/ construction^ by appealing for 
new power to the people." 

In a note to Mr. Gallatin, directing a non-interference in 
the choice of directors for the Branclies of the Bank of the 
United States, Mr. Jefterson expresses himself in the fol- 
lowing manner: '' From a passage in the letter of the Pre- 
sident [of the Bank,] I observe an idea of establishing a 
branch bank of the United States in New Orleans. This 
institution is one of the tnost deadly hostility existing 
against the principles and form of our Constitution. The 
Elation is, at this time, so stroyig and united in its sentiments, 
that it cannot be shaken at this moment. But suppose a 
series of untoward events should occur, sufficient to bring 
into doubt the competency of a republican government to 
meet a crisis of great danger, or to unhinge the confidence 
of the people in the public functionaries; an institution like 
this, penetrating by its branches every part of the Union, 
acting by command and in phalanx, may, in a critical mo- 
ment, upset the government. I deem no government safe 
which is under the vassalage of any self-constituted antho' 
rities, or any other authority than that of the nation, or its 
regular functionaries. What an obstruction could not this 
bank of tlie United States, with all its branch banks, be in 



284 THE LIFE OF 

time of war? It might dictate to us the peace we should 
accept, or withdraw its aids? Ought we, then, to give fur- 
ther growth to an institution so powerful, so hostile? That 
it is so hostile we know, first, from a knowledge of the 
principle of the persons composing the body of directors in 
every bank, principal, or branch, and those of most of the 
stockholders: second^ from their opposition to the measures 
and principles of the government, and to the election of 
those friendly to them; and third, from the sentiments of 
the newspapers they support. Now, while we are strong, 
it is the greatest duty we owe to the safety of our Consti- 
tution, to bring this powerful enemy to a perfect subordina- 
tion under its authorities. The first measure would be to 
reduce them to an equal footing only with other banks, as 
to the favours of the government. But, in order to be able 
to meet a general combination of the banks against us, in a 
critical emergency, could we not make a beginni^ig towards 
an independent use of our own money towards holding our 
own bank in all the deposits where it is received, and let- 
ting the treasurer give his draft or note, for payment at any 
particular place, which, in a well conducted government, 
ought to have as much credit as any private draft, or bank 
note, or bill, and would give us the same facilities which 
we derive from the banks?" 

His first term having nearly expired, Mr. Jefterson was> 
again placed in nomination for a second period, and re- 
elected by an increased majority. In a letter to Mr. Gerry 
upon this subject, he expresses his feelings in the following 
terms: "I sincerely regret that the unbounded calumnies 
of the federal party have obliged me to throw myself on the 
verdict of my country i^yr trial, my great desire having been 
to retire at the end of the present term, to a life of tran- 
quillity; and it was my decided purpose when I entered into 
office. They force my continuance. If we can keep the 
vessel of State as steadily in her course for another four 
years, my earthly purposes will be accomplished, and I 
shall be free to enjoy, as you are doing, my family, mj 
farm, and my books." When it is considered that Mr. 
Jefferson was a zealous and primitive dissenter from the 
unlimited re-eligibility of the executive; and that he 
espoused with ardour short terms of office, and had origi- 
nally intended to hold the office but four years, it must be 
deeply lamented, that he suffered the clamour of enemies to 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 285 

divert him from establishing a precedent of so much vital con- 
sequence to the purity and duration of our free institutions. 
The reasons he adduces for this dereliction are such as 
might with equal force be alleged for a continuance in the 
office for life. How much of real glory he lost, by missing 
this opportunity of putting the seal of sincerity, and the test 
of consistency on his original professions, can only be esti- 
mated by a full and just consideration of the difficulty 
attending the sacrifice of ambition to principle: of resisting 
the temptation of personal vanity, for the enduring future 
applause of mankind. Had he now retired, how perfect 
would have been his fame? How transcendent his patri- 
otism ! how pure his democracy ! how dazzling the lustre of 
his renown ! 

In the spring of 1804, he suffered a heavy bereavement 
in the death of one of his daughters, Mrs. Eppes, which 
caused him much affliction. On this melancholy occasion, 
Mrs. John Adams, the wife of the Ex-President of that 
name, addressed him a letter of condolence, to which he 
responded in a spirit of cordiality and reconciliation with 

her husband, and which correspondence was afterwards 
continued, until it ended in a renewal of friendly commu- 
nications with Mr. Adams himself. In his letters to Mrs. 
Adams, he entered fully into an explanation of all his con- 
duct and measures, disclaiming all unfriendly feelings to- 
wards the Ex-President^ making a full acknowledgment of 
his integrity of purpose, and resolving their long estrange- 
ment to mere difference of opinion! Upon this subject, it 
is worth while to quote a passage from oneof September 11, 
1804. '' Both of our political parties, at least the honest 
part of them, agree conscientiously in the same object, the 
PUBLIC good: but they differ essentially in what they deem 
the means of promoting that good." Thus conceding to 
Mr. Adams, what he had so often denied, integrity and 
patriotism! 

Devoted to science, and at all times intent on improve^ 
ments in literature and knowledge, as well as politics and 
government, Mr. Jefferson now projected the expedition 
of Lewis and Clarke to the Columbia river, for the pur- 
pose of exploring and ascertaining the geograpliy, natural 
history, climate, riches, resources, and peculiarities of the 
new purchase of the Territory of Louisiana. 

A schism among the more rigid republicans having oc- 



286 THE LIFE OF 

curred in the party, Mr. Jefferson addressed a letter of 
vindication to Mr. Duane, dated March 22, 1806. John 
Randolph had raised the banner of opposition, under the 
plea of dereliction from the true faith. In his letter to 
Duane, Mr. Jefterson says: '' In the first place, then, I have 
had less communication, directly, or indirectly, with the 
republicans of the^^.s^ this session, than I ever had before. 
This has proceeded from accidental circumstances, not 
from design. And if there be any coolness between those 
of the South and myself, it has not been from me towards 
them. That Mr. R. has openly attacked the administration 
is sufficiently known. We were not disposed to join the 
league with Britain, under any belief that she is fighting for 
the liberties of mankind, and to enter into war with Spain, 
and consequently France. The House of Representatives 
were in the same sentiment, when they rejected Mr. R's 
resolutions for raising a body of regular troops for the 
western service. We are for a peaceable accommodation 
with all those nations, if it can be effected honourably. 
This, perhaps, is not the only ground of his alienation; but 
which side retains its orthodoxy, the vote of eightj-scvcii 
to eleven republicans, may satisfy you. 

Another charge was discord in the cabinet. Mr. J. af- 
firms that there existed perfect harmony. 

Another was — ' that there was an ostensible cabinet and 
a concealed one;' which Mr. J. denied!! 

Another, that he had denounced republicans as jacobins.' 
And that he would appoint none but moderates to office, 
of both parties! This he pronounced false and unfounded. 

Another, that he patronised the expedition of Miranda! 
which he also pronounced false; yet adds — 'To know as 
much ofitaswe could was our duty, but not to encourage it.'* 

* The practice of men elected in virtue of party violence, of throw- 
ing themselves into the arms of moderate men of both parties, as an 
atonement for tlieir aggressions, and to conciliate their former op- 
ponents, is one of those traits of depraved policy, which the unprin- 
eipled and profligate politicians of all ages and countries, have acted 
on with impunity to themselves, and apparently without instructing 
the people in the wisdom of moderation, when espousing the cause 
of the hypocritical demagogues in whose behalf they are always so 
eager to enlist themselves. It was an indignant repudiation of such 
baseness which prompted Mr. Jefferson to reply to theletter of Duane; 
for, however he might have possessed those politic views which mo- 
dulate the tone of the skilful statesman, on critical occasions, Mr. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 287 

On the 4th of May, 1806, he addressed a long letter to 
Mr. Monroe on the subject, in which he severely denounces 
John Rardolph for having abandoned the party 5 that gen- 
tleman being a friend of Mr. Monroe, whom Mr. Jeflferson 
conjures to cast him off. 

The next important event 0/ Jefferson's administration 
was the explosion of the conspiracy of Aaron Budr. In 
a letter to Mr. Bowdoin, of April 2, 1807, he thus speaks 
of this extraordinary event—-" No better proof of the good 
faith of the United States could have been given, than the 
vigour with which we have acted, and the expense incurred, 
in suppressing the enterprize meditated lately by Burr, 
against Mexico. Although, at first, he proposed a separa- 
tion of the western countr}^, and on that ground received 
encouragement and aid from Yrujo, according to the usual 
spirit of his government towards us, yet he very early saw 
that the fidelity of the western country was not to be 
shaken, and turned himself wholly towards Mexico. And 
so popular is an enterprise on that country, in this, that we 
had only to lie still, and he would have had followers 
enough to have been in the city of Mexico in six weeks. 



Jefferson was never known to prove treacherous to his friends, or 
faithless to his adherents: and if he sometimes held out the hand of 
fellowship to the moderate men, of the federal party, it was rather 
with a view to conciliate them into his support, than to reward them 
with favours, or to advance them over the heads of his ancient and 
tried friends. In party fidelity, he never stopped half-way, or left 
his open and avowed friends, to sneak into corners, and hold intrig-ue 
with the moderators, who content themselves with whispering- cen- 
sure, and nodding- and shaking- the head, as a means of secret assas- 
sination, against those bold and fearless spirits, whose virtues they are 
too depraved to envy, and whose talents they are too stupid to ap- 
preciate. Party fidelity was a laudable trait in the character of Mr. 
Jefferson; and althoug-hhe lived at a critical time, when the popular 
delusion of party receded before the daily demonstration of facts, 
that Presidents must be Presidents, no matter from what party they 
are elected; yet he maintained his republican integrity more than any 
other of his successors, who made party distinctions the cause of 
exclusive merit in their candidatesliip. He lived to see and to hear 
the federal party loud in his praise, and warm in his support; and yet 
never returned the compliment by patronage or encomiums. They 
were sincere and consistent, because they admired him for having 
finally embraced all the measures of federal policy; and he was honest, 
because he remained true to those who had originally sustained him 
through the storm and tempest of the conflict. 



288 THE LIFE OF 

You have doubtless seen my several messages to Congress, 
wliich give a faithful narrative of that conspiracy. Burr, 
himself, after being disarmed, by our endeavours, of all 
his followers, escaped from the custody of the court of Mis- 
sissippi, but was taken near Fort Stoddart, making his way 
to Mobile, by some country people, who brought him on as 
a prisoner to Richmond, where he is now under a course for 
trial." 

Mr. Jefferson's eagerness to procure the infliction of 
punishment on Burr, for treason^ is not exactly consistent 
with his own belief, that the object of Burr was Mexico, 
and not the dismemberment of the western States from the 
Union. In the progress of this trial, Mr. Jefferson suffered 
himself to become highly excited against Chief Justice 
Marshall, and the Supreme Court, and the federalists, 
v/hom he accused of an intention to shelter and protect 
Burr; but without any shadow of proof, or even probability. 
Mr. Jefferson, while he disclaimed all hatred of Burr, 
acknowledged that he had always cherished a prejudice 
against him: but there is no reason to believe that private 
enmity stimulated him to any additional zeal to prosecute 
this guilty man, when his public duty furnished such abun- 
dant motive to urge him to an assiduous prosecution of this 
mysterious and daring conspiracy, its actors, agents and 
instruments. In one of his letters to George Hay, he calls 
Burr an ' impudent federal bull-dog. ' 

Having been invited by some officious and flattering 
friends, to undertake ?i pilgrimage of popularity through the 
Eastern States, Mr. Jefferson with that genuine and unaf- 
fected simplicity that at all times distinguished him from 
inferior men, and that true sense of personal dignity which 
revolts from being made a ' public spectacle' for the curi- 
ous to gaze at, positively declined the offer. He says, " I 
confess that I am not reconciled to the idea of a chief ma- 
gistrate jo«r«c/m^ /i^mse//* through the several States, as an 
object of public gaze, and in quest of an applause which, to 
be valuable, should be purely voluntary. / had rather ac- 
quire silent good ivill by a faithful discharge of my duties, 
than any expressions of it to my putting myself in the way 
of receiving them. As I have never yet seen the time when 
the public business would have permitted me to be so long 
in a situation in which I could not carry it on, so I have no 
reason to expect that such a time will come while I remain 
in office." 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 289 

This is a severe satire on the practice of his successors, 
who found more time to travel^ the more the public business 
increased upon their hands ! A sure proof that the era of 
our public virtue has nearly passed awayj and that the vir- 
tues of the men of the revolution, are not to be found in the 
breasts of their descendants. 

A similar display of republican heroism he also made, on 
the subject of an application made to him, to appoint a day 
of fasting and prayer. In answer to this request, he ob- 
served: ''I consider the government of the United States 
as interdicted by the Constitution from intermeddling with 
religious institutions, their doctrines^ discipline or exercises. 
This results not only from the provision that no law shall be 
made respecting the establishment or free exercise of reli- 
gion, but from that also which reserves to the States the 
powers not delegated to the United States. Certainly no 
power to prescribe any religious exercise, or to assume 
authority in religious discipline, has been delegated to the 
general government. It must then rest with the States, as 
far as it can be in any human authority. But it is only 
proposed that I should recommend, not prescribe, a day of 
fasting and prayer; that is, that I should ijidirectly assume 
to the United States an authority over religious exercises, 
which the Constitution has directly precluded them from. 
It must be meant, too, to be sanctioned by some penalty on 
those who disregard it; not indeed of fine and imprisonment, 
but of some degree of proscription, perhaps in public opi- 
nion. And does the change in the nature of the penalty 
make the recommendation the less a law of conduct for 
those to whom it is directed? I do not believe it is for the 
interest of religion to invite the civil magistrate to direct its 
exercises, its discipline, or its doctrines; nor of t\\e reli- 
gious societies, that the general government should be in- 
vested wit^i the power of effecting any uniformity of time 
or matter among them. Fasting and prayer are religious 
exercises; the enjoining them an act of discipline. Every 
religious society has a right to determine for itself the times 
for these exercises, and the objects proper for them accord- 
ing to their own particular tenets; and this right con never 
be safer than in their own hands, where the Constitution 
has deposited it." 

The operation of the Berlin and Milan Decrees on the part 
of France, and of the Orders of Council on the part of Great 

Aa 



^90 TrtE LIFfi 01' 

Britain, now began to be felt as serious aggressions oh the 
commerce and revenue of the United States. The licen- 
tious and preposterous doctrines of blockade, proclaimed by 
France, and the retaliation of so monstrous a violation of 
the laws of nations, by England, soon inflicted the most fatal 
wounds upon neutral commerce, insulting and degrading the 
national character, at the same time that it cut up its re- 
sources, plundered its wealth, and mutilated its marine: for 
impressment was added to robbery and confiscation, our flag 
being unable to protect the persons of our citizens from the 
power of insolent England, or secure their property from 
the rapacity of libertine France. Unhappily for this coun- 
ti-y and its national character, the feuds engendered by the 
collisions betv/een those two countries among our citizens, 
during the French revolution, had enlisted the democratic 
and federal parties under the banners of the two European 
belligerents. It was known that Mr. Jeff*erson w as partial 
to France and hated England; and as he always preferred 
peace to war, a disposition to negociate for a redress of 
wrongs of this heinous character, was construed by some 
into a pusillanimous submission to the despotism of France; 
and by the adverse party, into a degrading acquiescence in 
the wrongs of England. The democrats called for a war 
with Great Britain; the federalists, and those who opposed 
French tyranny, called for a war against France. Mr. 
Jeft'erson desired peace, and disregarding the clamours of 
both, proceeded to negociation. In a letter to Lafayette in 
1807, he thus pictures our distressful and embarrassing 
situation: — " I encloseyou a proclamation, which will show 
you the critical footing on which we stand at present with 
England. Never since the battle of Lexington, have I seen 
tliis country in such a state of exasperation as at present. 
And even that did not produce such unanimity. The fe- 
deralists themselves coalesce with us as to the object, 
although they will return to their old trade of condemning 
every step we take towards obtaining it. ' Reparation for 
tlie past, and security for the future,' is our motto. Whe- 
ther these will be yielded freely, or will require resort to 
non -intercourse, or to war, is yet to be seen. We have 
actually near two thousand men in the field, covering the 
exposed parts of the coast, and cutting oft'supplies from the 
British vessels." 

The attack, at once wanton, cowardly, and insulting, 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 291 

made on the frigateChesapeake, by the British admiral; the 
Non-Importation Act; and finally, the Embargo — all pre- 
monished of a state of approaching hostilities: for, without 
displaying strength, they manifested weakness, as well as 
timidity, and exhibited a temper more disposed to endure 
insult, than redress wrong. At the same time, the violation 
of the laws of nations committed by France against neutral 
commerce, not being resented by the United States, Eng- 
land issued a retaliatory order of Council, prohibiting all 
commerce between America and the ports of her enemies in 
Europe, unless the merchandise was first landed in Eng- 
land, and the duties paid for re-exportation. The effect was 
total ruin to American commerce, which must thus become 
the certain prey, to one or the other of the belligerent 
powers. To save us from this gulf of ruin, Mr. Jefterson 
recommended, and Congress passed on the 22d December, 
1807, an embargo law. 

This w as the last important act of Mr. Jefferson's politi- 
cal life. His administration was now drawing to a close, 
after forty years of public service, and twenty of party tur- 
moil. He had now attained the age of sixty-five, and if the 
enjoyment of power had not produced satiety, the charms 
of retirement must at least have promised the delight of 
novelty. His annual message to Congress this year, 1808, 
spoke of this event in a strain of unafiected modesty, dig- 
nified feeling, and patriotic eloquence every way creditable 
to his head and his heart. " Availing myself of this, the 
last occasion which will occur of addressing the two houses 
of the Legislature at their meeting, I cannot omit the ex- 
pression of my sincere gratitude for the repeated proofs of 
confidence manifested to me by themselves and their prede-- 
cessors, since my call to the administration, and the many 
indulgences experienced at their hands. The same grateful 
acknowledgments are due to my fellow citizens generally, 
whose support has been my great encouragement under all 
embarrassments. In the transaction of their business I can- 
not have escaped error — it is incident to our imperfect 
nature. But I may say with truth my errors have been of 
the understanding, not of intention, and that the advance- 
ment of their rights and interests has been the constant 
motive for every measure. On these considerations I solicit 
their indulgence. Looking forward with anxiety to their 
future destinies, I trust, that in their steady character, un-? 



292 THE LIFE OF 

shaken by difficulties, in their love of liberty, obedience to 
law, and support of public authorities, I see a sure guarantee 
of the permanence of our republic; and retiring from the 
charge of their aftairs, I carry with me the consolation of a 
firm persuasion, that Heaven has in store for our beloved 
country, long ages to come of prosperity and happiness." 

No administration of any President of the United States, 
has been so frequently, and so severely criticised as that of 
Mr. Jefterson; and it has received from his friends encomi- 
ums as extravagant, as it has from his opponents, censures 
unmeasured, bitter and unqualified. The truth, no doubt, 
lies between the reprobation of the one, and the flattery of 
the other. He tried to the fullest extent, the experiment of 
his own policy, and failed — signally and ingloriou sly failed. 
His anti-naval system exploded itself in the puerility of the 
gun-boat system; and his Chinese policy <, or as it was sarcas- 
tically termed the ' terrapin policy,'' of withdrawing from 
all FOREIGN COMMERCE — of bccomlug produccrs without 
being exporters^— ioW, not less emphatically, and exploded 
in its own delusions. On other points, however, he esta- 
blished salutary precedents; especially in the articles of 
economy; a limited diplomatic list; and an accelerated 
extinguishment of the public debt. At the same time, the 
Republic suifered indignities and disgrace, without atone- 
ment, that it had never before endured; among which was 
the attack on the Chesapeake; and the insults and pillage 
of Napoleon, on our commerce; to avoid which partial evil, 
Mr. Jefferson unwisely resorted to its prostration by our- 
selves, in preference to its plunder by the French. His 
natural want of courage, moral as well as physical, neces- 
sarily led to this suicidal policy. Still his administration, 
on the whole, was creditable and prosperous — and, though 
we were neither respected abroad, nor contented at home, 
yet we were prosperous and happy — the Union was secure 
and firm — the States, with the exception of those of New 
England, were quiet; and the Treasury was full. In what 
light his administration was viewed by his native State, 
under the influence of enthusiastic admiration, will appear 
from the following ' Farewell Address' to him, which 
was agreed to by both houses of the Virginia Legislature, 
February 7, 1809. 

''Sir, — The General Assembly of your native State can- 
not close their session, without acknowledging your services 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 293 

in the office which you are just about to lay down, and bid- 
ding you a respectful and aft'ectionate farewell. 

'' We have to thank you for the model of an administra- 
tion conducted on the purest principles of republicanismj 
for pomp and state laid aside; patronage discarded; internal 
taxes abolished; a host of superfluous officers disbanded; 
the monarchic maxim, ' that a national debt is a national 
blessing,' renounced, and more than thirty-three mil- 
lions of our debt discharged; the native right to nearly one 
hundred millions of acres of our national domain extin- 
guished; and without the guilt, or calamities of conquest, a 
vast and fertile region added to our country, far more ex- 
tensive than her original possessions, bringing along M^th 
it the Mississippi and the port of Orleans, the trade of the 
west to the Pacific ocean, and in the intrinsic value of the 
land itself, a source of permanent and almost inexhaustible 
revenue. These are points in your administration which 
the historian will not fail to seize, to expand, and teach 
posterity to dwell upon with delight. Nor will he forget our 
peace with the civilised world, preserved through a season 
of uncommon difficulty and trial; the good-will cultivated 
with the unfortunate aborigines of our country, and the 
civilisation Immanely extended among them; the lesson 
taught the inhabitants of the coast of Barbary, that we have 
the means of chastising their piratical encroachments, and 
awing them into justice; and that theme, on which above 
all, the historic genius will hang with rapture, the liberty 
of speech and of the press preserved inviolate, without 
which genius and science are given to man in vain. 

In the principles on which you have administered the 
government, we see only the continuation and maturity of 
the same virtues and abilities, which drew upon you in your 
youth the resentment of Dunmore. From the first brilliant 
and happy moment of your resistance to foreign t;y^ranny, 
until the present day, we mark with pleasure and with gra- 
titude the same uniform, consistent character, the same 
warm and devoted attachment to liberty and the republic, 
the same Roman love of your country, her rights, her 
peace, her honour, her prosperity. How blessed will be the 
retirement into whicli you are about to go ! How deservedly 
blessed will it be ! For you carry with you the richest of 
all rewards, the recollection of a life well spent in the ser=. 
Aa 2 



294 THE LIFE OF 

vice of your country, and proofs the most decisive of the 
love, the gratitude, the veneration of your countrymen." 

In a letter to a friend, he thus pictures his return to 
private life : — '^Within a few days I retire to my family, 
my books and farms ^ and having gained the harbour myself, 
I shall look on my friends still buffeting the storm, with 
anxiety, indeed, but not with envy. Never did a prisoner, 
released from his chains, feel such relief as I shall on shak- 
ing off the shackles of power. Nature intended me for the 
tranquil pursuits of science, by rendering them my supreme 
delight. But the enormities of the times in which I have 
lived, have forced me to take a part in resisting them,* and 
to commit myself on the boisterous ocean of political pas- 
sions. 1 thank God for the opportunity of retiring from 
them without censure, and carrying with me the most con- 
soling proofs of public approbation." 

He retired to Monticello, about the middle of March, 
1809; and gives the following account of his journey: — '' I 
had a very fatiguing journey, having found the roads exces- 
sively bad, although I have seen them worse. The last three 
days I found it better to be on horseback, and travelled 
eight hours through as disagreeable a snow-storm as I was 
ever in. Feeling no inconvenience from the expedition 
but fatigue, I have more confidence in my vis vitss than I 
had before entertained. The spring is remarkably back- 
ward." Having been welcomed home by the citizens of 
his county, he addressed them in the following strain of 
pious affection: — 

" Returning to the scenes of my birth and early life, to 
the society of those with whom I was raised, and who have 
been ever dear to me, I receive, fellow citizens and neigh- 
bours, with inexpressible pleasure, the cordial welcome you 
are so good as to give me. Long absent on duties which 
the history of a wonderful era made incumbent on those 
called to them, the pomp, the turmoil, the bustle and splen- 
dour of office, have drawn but deeper sighs for the tranquil 
and irresponsible occupations of private life, for the enjoy- 
ment of an affectionate intercourse with you, my neigh- 



* There is an obvious error here. Mr. Jefferson having commenced 
his pohtical career before the revokition, and continued it through 
the administration of George Washington, which presented no enor- 
mities. The enormities began in 1792-3, with the French Revokition. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 295 

bours and ^friends, and the endearments of family love, 
which nature has given us all, as the sweetener of every 
hour. For these 1 gladly lay down the distressing burden 
of power, and seek, with my fellow citizens, repose and 
safety under the watchful cares, the labours and perplexi- 
ties of younger and abler minds. The anxieties you express 
to administer to my happiness, do, of themselves, confer 
that happiness; and the measure will be complete, if my 
endeavours to fulfil my duties in the several public stations 
to which I have been called, have obtained for me the ap- 
probation of my country. The part which I have acted on 
the theatre of public life, has been before them; and to their 
sentence I submit it: but the testimony of my native coun- 
ty, of the individuals who have known me in private life, 
to my conduct in its various duties and relations, is the 
more grateful, as proceeding from eye witnesses and ob- 
servers — from triers of the vicinage. Of you, then, my neigh- 
bours, I may ask in the face of the world, ' whose ox have I 
taken, or whom have I defrauded.^ Whom have I oppressed, 
or of whose hand have I received a bribe to blind mine eyes 
therewith?' On your verdict I rest with conscious security. 
Your wishes for my happiness are received with just sensi- 
bility, and I offer sincere prayers for your own welfare and 
prosperity.-' 

In this letter to his neighbours, Ave behold what may be 
considered as an official induction into the pursuits and 
enjoyments of private life; and certainly few men who have 
occupied the lofty stations of supreme power, have ever 
been better qualified to adorn with usefulness, or enjoy 
with reason, the calm avocations of a planter, a citizen, and 
a gentleman. Being a practical, as well as a theoretical 
farmer, his knowledge and skill admirably qualified him for 
the profitable cultivation of his estate. Deeply embued with 
a fine literary taste, profoundly versed in the sciences, and 
a complete master of mathematics, as well as an erudite 
Greek scholar, besides being conversant with most of the 
ancient and modern languages, he combined resources for 
an elegant literary retirement, seldom equalled, and never 
surpassed. His correspondence, too, of a literary, scientific, 
political, and friendly character, was diffused throughout 
every civilised country of Europe, as well as America. An 
object of rational curiosity to all strangers of distinction, 
and a fountain of literary refreshment to all travelling lite- 



296 THE LIFE OF 

rati, his mansion of course, soon attracted successive crowds 
of Americans, and foreigners, to enliven his retirement, 
and tax his hospitality: so that the Ex-President of the 
United States, in his residence at Monticello, appeared ra- 
ther to have acquired splendour, eclat, and followers, by 
his retirement, than to have sunk from a state of public 
magnificence to a condition of private obscurity. Such is 
the force of intrinsic merit over the adventitious and tran- 
sient glare of external greatness. The Presidency could 
add nothing to the inherent greatness of Jefferson, but the 
genius of Jefferson ennobled with lustre the chair that had 
been consecrated to renown, by the virtues and greatness 
of Washington. 

Mr. Jefferson now occupied his leisure in the pursuits to 
which I have just alluded: — the management of his farms — . 
the comfort of his guests — the demands of his correspondents 
—the novelties of science — the beauties of literature — and 
the free dispensation of advice and patronage to all useful 
enterprises, or learned experiments^ never forgetting his 
darliyig passion of politics, to which he always recurred with 
delight, and in which he excelled to such perfection. 

In a letter to a friend, he thus describes the employment 
of his time:— '* My mornings are devoted to correspon- 
dence. From breakfast to dinner I am in my shops,* my 
garden, or on horseback among my farms | from dinner to 
dark I give to society and recreation with my neighbours 
and friends; and from candle-light to early bed-time, I read. 
My health is perfect, and my strength considerably rein-- 
forced by the activity of the course I pursue; perhaps it is 
as great as usually falls to the lot of men sixty -seven years 
of age. I talk of ploughs and harrows, seeding and har^ 
vesting, with my neighbours, and of politics too, if they 
choose, with as little reserve as the rest of my fellow citi- 
zens, and feel, at length, the blessing of being free to say 
and do what I please, without being responsible for it to 
any mortal. A part of my occupation, and by no means 
the least pleasing, is the direction of the studies of such 



* He was always devotedly fond of mechanics, find worked like a 
journeyman in what he called his shops; constructing various articles 
of utility, or decoration, for his farm, his house, or his chamber; be- 
sides those philosophical instruments and nick-nacks which men of 
curious minds are attached to. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 297 

young men as ask it. They place themselves in the neigh- 
bouring village, and have the use of my library and counsel, 
and make a part of my society." This was in February, 
1810. 

Curious to know his opinions on all subjects, we feel 
more peculiarly so to hear them on the great leading ques- 
tions and events of the day. In 1810, some apprehension 
was entertained that Napoleon would, at no distant day, 
meditate the invasion and conquest of the United States. 
One of his correspondents having expressed this fear to 
him, Mr. Jefterson not only ridiculed it as a chimera, but 
demonstrated its impossibility, in the following singular 
strain of party delusion, and political sagacity:-—" For five- 
and-thirty years w^e have walked together through a land 
of tribulations 5 yet these have passed away, and so, I trust, 
will those of the present day. The toryism with which we 
struggled in '77, diiFered but in name from the federalism 
of '99, wdth which we struggled also; and the Anglicism of 
1808, against which we are now struggling, is but the same 
thing still, in another form. It is a longing for a king, and 
an English king rather than any other. This is the true 
source of their sorrows and wailings." 

*'The fear that Buonaparte will come over to us, and 
conquer us also, is too chimerical to be genuine. Supposing 
him to have finished Spain and Portugal, he has yet England 
and Russia to subdue. The maxim of war was never sounder 
than in this case, not to leave an enemy in the rear, and 
especially where an insurrectionary flame is known to be 
under the embers, merely smothered, and ready to burst at 
every point. These two subdued, (and surely the Anglo- 
men will not think the conquest of England alone a short 
work) ancient Greece and Macedonia, the cradle of Alex- 
ander, his prototype, and Constantinople, the seat of empire 
for the world, would glitter more in his eye than our bleak 
mountains and rugged forests. Egypt, too, and the golden 
apples of Mauritania, have for more than half a century, 
fixed the longing eyes of France; and with Syria, you know, 
he has an old affront to wipe out. Then come Pontus and 
Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia and Bithynia, the five countries 
on the Euphrates and Tigris, the Oxus and Indus, and all 
beyond the Hyphasis, which bounded the glories of his Ma- 
cedonian rival; with the invitations of his new British sub- 
jects on the banks of the Ganges, whom, after receiving 



298 THE LIFE OF 

under his protection the mother country, he cannot refuse 
to visit, \yhen all this is done and settled, and nothing of 
the old world remains unsubdued, he may turn to the new 
one; but will he attack us first, from whom he will get but 
hard knocks and no money? Or will he first lay hold of the 
gold and silver of Mexico and Peru, and the diamonds of 
Brazil? A republican emperor, from his aftection to repub- 
lics, independent of motives of expediency, must grant to 
ours the Cyclop's boon of being the last devoured. While 
all this is doing, we are to suppose the chapter of accidents 
read out, and that nothing can happen to cut short or to 
disturb his enterprises." From this view of the aftairs of 
Napoleon,\\e turns to a dissertation on t\\Q. fatuity of kings, 
which will interest the reader. " When I observed that 
the king of England was a cypher, I did not mean to con- 
fine the observation to the mere individual now on that 
throne. The practice of kings marrying only into the fa- 
milies of kings has been that of Europe for some centuries. 
Now, take any race of animals, confine them in idleness 
and inaction, whether in a stye, a stable, or a state room, 
pamper them with high diet, gratify all their sexual appe- 
tites, immerse them in sensualities, nourish their passions, 
let every thing bend before them, and banish whatever 
might lead them to think, and in a few generations they 
become all body and no mind; and this, too, by a law of 
nature, by that very law by which we are in the constant 
practice of changing the characters and propensities of the 
animals we raise for our own purposes. Such is the regi- 
men in raising kings; and in this way they have gone on for 
centuries. While in Europe, I often amused myself with 
contemplating the characters of the then reigning sovereigns 
of Europe. Louis the XVI. was a fool, of m}^ own know- 
ledge, and in despite of the answers made for him at his 
trial. The king of Spain was a fool, and of Naples the 
same. They passed their lives in hunting, and despatched 
two couriers a week one thousand miles to let each other 
know what game they had killed the preceding days. The 
king of Sardinia was a fool. All these were Bourbons. The 
queen of Portugal, a Braganza, was an idiot by nature. 
And so was the king of Denmark. Their sons, as regents, 
exercised the powers of government. Tlie king of Prussia, 
successor to the great Frederick, was a mere hog in body, 
as well as in mind. Gustavus, of Sweden, and Joseph of 



Thomas jefferson. 299 

Austria, were really crazy; and George of England, you 
know, was in a straight waistcoat. There remained, then, 
none but old Catharine, who had been too lately picked up 
to have lost her common sense. In this state Buonaparte 
found Europe; and it was this state of its rulers which lost 
it with scarce a struggle. These animals had become with- 
out mind and powerless; and so will every hereditary mo- 
narch be after a few generations. Alexander, the grandson 
of Catharine, is as yet an exception. He is able to hold his 
own. But he is only of the third generation. His race is 
not yet worn out. And so endeth the Book of Kings, from 
all of whom the Lord deliver us, and have you, my friend, 
and all such good men and true, in his holy keeping." 

Although he admired the religion of the Quakers, yet 
he most heartily detested their politics: for in writing to 
Lafayette in 1817, he thus severely portrays them: — " That 
^Delaware) is essentially a Quaker State, the fragment of 
a religious sect, which there, as in the other States in Eng- 
land, are a homogeneous mass, acting with one mind, and 
that directed by the mother society in England. Dispersed, 
as the Jews, they still form, as those do, one nation, foreign 
to the land they live in. They are Protestant Jesuits, im- 
plicitly devoted to the will of their superior, and forgetting 
all duties to their country, in the execution of the policy 
of their order. When war is proposed with England, they 
have religious scruples; but when with France, these are 
laid by, and they become clamorous for it. They are, how- 
ever, silent, passive, and give no other trouble than of 
whipping them along." 

I have enumerated, among Mr. Jefferson's frailties his 
want of moral courage, which kept him from that candid 
avowal of his political opinions in the presence of his oppo- 
nents, which appeared almost in the light of an act of 
treachery towards his friends, his party and his principles. 
The following account from his own pen of his alienation 
from Mr. Adams, will not only illustrate this feature of 
his character, but will also show the feeble texture of that 
discrepancy of opinion, which seperated him even from the 
father of the alien and sedition laws, when tliose opinions 
were pressed home to their testing points' 'You remember 
the machinery, says Mr. Jefferson, which the federalists 
played off, about that time, to beat down the friends to the 
real principles of our Constitution, to silence by terror 



300 THE LIFE OF 

every expression in their favour, to bring us into war with 
France, and alliance with England, and finally to homolo- 
gise our constitution with that of England. Mr. Adams, 
you know, was overwhelmed with feverish addresses, dic- 
tated by the fear, and often by the pen of the bloody buoy; 
and was seduced by them into some open indications of his 
new principles of government, and in fact was so elated as 
to mix with his kindness a little superciliousness towards 
me. Even Mrs. Adams, with all her good sense and pru- 
dence, was sensibly flushed. And you recollect the short 
suspension of our intercourse, and the circumstance which 
gave rise to it, which you were so good as to bring to an 
early explanation, and have set to rights, to the cordial 
satisfaction of us all. The nation at length passed con- 
demnation on the political principles of the federalists,* by 
refusing to continue Mr. Adams in the Presidency. On 
the day on which we learned in Philadelphia, the vote of 
the city of New York, which it was well known would de- 
cide the vote of the State, and that, again, the vote of the 
Union, I called on Mr. Adams on some official business. 
He was very sensibly aft'ected, and accosted me with these 
words — ' Well, I understand you are to beat me in this 
contest, and I will only say that I will be as faithful a sub- 
ject as any you will have.' •• Mr. Adams, said I, this is no 
personal contest between you and me. Two systems of 
principles, on the subject of government, divide our fellow 
citizens into two parties. With one of these you concur, 
and I with the other. As we have been longer on the pub- 
lic stage than most of tliose now living, our names happen 
to be more generally known. One of these parties, there- 



* There is a gi'eat fallacy in this idea, which Jefferson himself has 
exploded in another letter, where he acknowledg-es that the mad 
measures of Adams g-ave the republicans the victory. It was on those 
mad measui'es that the nation passed sentence of exclusion against 
Mr. Adams. If we are to understand by federal principles, federal 
poUc}^, such as it was estabhshed by Washington, it never suffered 
any change, and of course, never incurred condemnation. What 
Jefferson calls ' the real principles of the Constitution,' did not ex- 
tend to the frame of government, but related merely to moulding its 
administration to an accordance with public opinion; as contradis- 
tinguished from the policy of John Adams, who was for fohcing pub- 
lic opinion to an implicit approbation and support of every measure 
of government, right or wrong, expedient or pernicious. 



THOMAS JEFFERSOX. 30l 

tore, has put your name at its head, the other mine. Were 
we both to die to-day, to-morrow two other names v/ould 
be in the place of ours, without any change in the motion 
of the machine.* Its motion is from its principle, not from 
you or myself. ' « I believe you are right, said he that we 
are but passive instruments, [what wretched delusion, or 
odious hypocricy ! Mr. Adams a passive instrument!] and 
should not suffer this matter to aff'ect our personal dispo- 
sitions.' But he did not long retain this just view of the 
subject. I have always believed that the thousand calum- 
nies which the federalists, in bitterness of heart and morti- 
fication of their ejection, daily invented against me, were 
carried to him by their busy intriguers, and made some im- 
pression. When the election between Burr and myself 
was kept in suspense by the federalists, and they were me- 
ditating to place the president of the Senate at the head of 
the government, I called on Mr. Adams, with a view to 
have this desperate measure prevented by his negative. He 
grew warm in an instant, and said with a vehemence he 
had not used towards me before, ' Sir, the event of the 
election is within your own power. You have only to say 
you will do justice to the public creditors, maintain the 
navy, and not disturb those holding offices, and the 
government will instantly be put into your hands. We 
know it is the wish of the people it should be so. ' * Mr. 
Adams, said I, I know not what part of my conduct, in 
either public or private life, can have authorised a doubt of 
my fidelity to the public engagements. I say, however, I 
will not come into the government by capitulation. I will 
not enter on it, but in perfect freedom to follow the dic- 
tates of my own judgment. ' I had before given the same 
answer to the same intimation from Governeur Morris. 
* Then, said he, things must take their course.' I turned 
the conversation to something else, and soon took my leave. 
It was the first time in our lives we had ever parted with 

* In this opinion few will be found to concur. I think the two 
conflicting- parties would never have existed, but for Mr. Adams and 
Mr. Jefferson. The federal party died with the contests of these 
embittered rivals; and will never be revived. This is historical truth. 
The ascendant party, since the era of Madison's rule, has compre- 
hended more of federalism, federal doctrine, federal policy and fede- 
ral men, than any of the ingredients of the opposite party; while 
Madison himself revived the Nationai Bask! 

Bb 



302 THE Li^E OW 

any thing like dissatisfaction. And then followed those 
scenes of midnight appointment, which have been con- 
demned by all men. The last day of his political power, 
the last hours, and even beyond the midnight, were employ- 
ed in filling all offices, and especially permanent ones, with 
the bitterest federalists, and providing for me the alterna- 
tive, either to execute the government by my enemies, 
whose study it would be to thwart and defeat all my mea- 
sures, or to incur the odium of such numerous removals 
from office, as might bear me down. A little time and re- 
flection effaced in my mind this temporary dissatisfaction 
with Mr. Adams, and restored me to that just estimate of 
his virtues and passions, which a long acquaintance had 
enabled me to fix. And my first wish became that of 
making his retirement easy, by any means in my power 5 
for it was understood he was not rich. I suggested to some 
republican members of the delegation from his State, the 
giving him, either directly or indirectly, an office, the most 
lucrative in that State, and then offered to be resigned, if 
they thought he would not deem it affrontive. They were 
of opinion he would take great offence at the offer; and 
moreover, that the body of republicans would consider such 
a step in the outset as auguring very ill of the course I 
meant to pursue. * I dropped the idea, therefore, but did 
not cease to wish for some opportunity of renewing our 
friendly understanding." 

" Two or three years after, having had the misfortune to 
lose a daughter, between whom and Mrs. Adams, there 
had been a considerable attachment, she made it the occa- 
sion of writing me a letter, in which with the tenderest 
expressions of concern at this event, she carefully avoided 
a single one of friendship towards myself, and even con- 
cluded it with the wishes of ' her who once took pleasure in 
subscribing herself your friend, Abigail Adams.' Unpromis- 
ing as was the complexion of this letter, I determined to 
make an effort towards removing the clouds from between 

* What an admirable commentary on the chicanery of party in the 
higher order of politicians, would it have been to have seen Mr. 
Jefferson appoint John Adams to be Attorney General of the United 
States, for Massachusetts; and at the same time removing the collec- 
tor of Boston, because he was a bisciple of John Adams! ! ! Yet such 
things have been done by others, as well as projected by Mr. Jef- 
ferson ! ! ! 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 303 

US. This brought on a correspondence which I now enclose 
for your perusal, after which be so good as to return it to 
me, as I have never communicated it to any mortal breath- 
ing before. I send it to you to convince you I have not been 
wanting either in the desire, or the endeavour to remove 
this misunderstanding. Indeed, I thought it highly dis- 
graceful to us both, as indicating minds not sufficiently 
elevated to prevent a public competition from affecting 
our personal friendship. I soon found, from the corres- 
pondence, that conciliation was desperate, and yielding to 
an intimation in her last letter, I ceased from turther ex- 
planation. / have the same good opinion of Mr. Adams 
which I ever had. I know him to be an honest man, an 
able one with his pen, and he was a powerful advocate on 
the floor of Congress.* He has been alienated from me by 
belief in the lying suggestions contrived for electioneering 
purposes, that I perhaps mixed in the activity and intrigues 
of the occasion. My most intimate friends can testify that 
I was perfectly passive. t They would sometimes, indeed, 
tell me what was going on; but no man ever heard me take 
part in such conversations; and none ever misrepresented 
Mr. Adams in my presence, without my asserting his just 
character. With very confidential persons I have doubt- 
less disapproved of the principles and practices of his ad- 
ministration. This was unavoidable. JBut never with 



* If thus honest, good and able, why should he have been pro- 
scribed, particularly by Mr. J? The truth is, Mr. Jefferson here 
sacrifices truth to benevolence, and sincerity to a supposed magna- 
nimity, incumbent on the higher order of politicians towards one 
another. To suppose Adams honest in the alien and sedition 
laws, was to suppose him a fool; but he was not a fool, therefore he 
was not honest! Can despotism be honest? Can a tyrant be 
good? Can a violator of his country's constitution be equal to a 
patriot, who devotes a life to its observance? This is the logic of 
Mr. Jefferson, which we are to refer to that lamentable weakness of 
his nature, which so utterly destroyed his moral courage. 

f Admitting personal passiveness, it does not necessarily include 
moral or intellectual passiveness. It is well known that Mr. J. 
spared no labour of mind to stimulate the people against Mr. Adams? 
as we have seen in his letters already quoted; besides, it is the very 
quibbling of ethetical sophistry to say that he was not instrumental 
in the contest, because he was not personally active! A man may 
be a principal in a murder, and yet a thousand miles from the scene 
of blood! 



304 THE LIFE OF 

those with whom it could do him any injury. Decency 
would have required this conduct from me, if disposition 
had notj and I am satisfied Mr. Adams' conduct was 
equally honourable towards me. But I think it part of his 
character to suspect foul play in those of whom he is jea- 
lous, and not easily to relinquish his suspicions." 

This letter is so pregnant with important reflections, 
that we must now submit it to the reader without further 
comment. It is of the highest order of those epistles, 
which reveal the mysteries of the higher order of politicians , 
showing that the people are legitimate objects of specula- 
tion to the polished leaders, wlio remain behind the curtain, 
or in the green room, while the farce of party is enacting 
for their benefit. 

In 1812, he renewed his correspondence with John 
Adams, and became a convert from the free trade to the 
restrictive system, and advocated with zeal the protection 
of American inanufactures. Perfect friendship and esteem, 
was now restored between these two great ex-belligerents ! 
The purpose of both had been answered by their schism, 
and they now returned to the enjoyment of benevolence 
and love! 

Having now become reconciled to Mr. Adams, he shifted 
all the crime of intended monarchy upon a dead opponent; 
and made Alexander Hamilton the grand conspirator 
against the system of our federal republican government. 
Hamilton had been many years at rest in his bloody grave 
— a grave dug by the ferocity of party and blood shed by 
the malignity of Aaron Burr; and he had suffered his ashes 
to rest in peace, up to the moment of his reconciliation 
with John Adams! Believing Adams to be honest, whom 
should he now stigmatise as the traitor from republican- 
ism to monarchy? Who but Hamilton — that Hamilton, 
whose fame is made up of the Constitution of the Uni- 
ted States, and the policy which it framed to the hands 
of its first and immortal Executive officer! Mr. Jefferson's 
letter to * Mellish' in 1813, would open space for a volume 
of comment upon the weakness of human nature; but he was 
then seventy, and age, he himself confesses, had impaired 
his faculties, prostrated his memory, and benumbed his 
intellect. 

Among other singular and fallacious ideas adopted by 
Mr. Jefferson, was that respecting Napoleon Buonaparte — - 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 305 

that he was a great scoundrel only — was no statesman, but 
an ignorant pretender, destitute equally of genius, talents, 
and learning! Such are the unaccountable delusions and 
prejudices of great minds. 

During the progress of the war with England, although 
in retirement, he was sensibly alive to our defeats and our 
victories; our disgraces and our glories; and lived to hail 
with pride and exultation the brilliant victories of that navy^ 
which he had once so zealously opposed, and furiously 
denounced. 

On the subject of the Hartford Convention, his opinions 
were as decisive as his feelings were ardent in its reproba- 
tion. On this subject, he said, ''The cement of this Union 
is in the heart blood of every American. I do not believe 
there is on earth a government established on so immovable 
a basis. Let them, in any State, even in Massachusetts 
itself, raise the standard of sefiaratioyi, and its citizens will 
rise in mass, and do justice themselves on their own incen^ 
diaries.^^ 

Having become embarrassed by his extended hospitalities 
to an endless crowd of curious visitors or ancient friends, 
Congress in 1815, agreed to purchase his extensive and 
valuable library, for the sum of fifty thousand dollars, 
which afforded him some temporary relief from the exigent 
eies that pressed upon him. 

He appears to have enjoyed the long life to which he 
attained with unalloyed zest; for, in a letter to Mr. Adams, 
he thus observes: — " You ask me if I would agree to live 
my seventy, or rather seventy-three years over again .? To 
which I say, yea. I think with you, that it is a good world 
on the whole; that it has been framed on a principle of 
benevolence, and more pleasure than pain dealt out to us. 
There are, indeed, (who might say nay,) gloomy and hypo- 
chondriac minds, inhabitants of diseased bodies, disgusted 
with the present, and despairing of the future; always 
counting that the worst will happen, because it may happen. 
To these I say, how much pain have the evils cost us which 
have never happened? My temperament is sanguine. I 
steer my bark with hope in the head, leaving fear asternc 
My hopes, indeed, sometimes fail, but not oftener than the 
forebodings of the gloomy. There are, I acknowledge, even 
in the happiest life, some terrible convulsions, heavy set-offs 
against the opposite page of the account. I have often won- 



306 THE LIFE OF 

dered for what good end the sensations of grief could be 
intended."* 

In 1819, he gave the following account of the encroach- 
ments of age upon his constitution, and the manner of his 
living, which shows the powerful animal frame with which 
he had been blessed by nature. '' I live so much like other 
people, that I might refer to ordinary life as the history of 
my own. Like my friend, the Doctor, I have lived tem- 
perately, eating little animal food, and that not as an ali- 
ment, so much as a condiment for the vegetables, which 
constitute my principal diet. I double, however, the Doc- 
tor's glass and a half of wine,t and even treble it with a 
friend, but halve its effect by drinking the weak wines only. 
The ardent wines I cannot drink, nor do I use ardent spirits 
in any form. Malt liquors and cider are my table drinks; 
and my breakfast, like that also of my friend, is of tea and 
coffee. I have been blest with organs of digestion which 
accept and concoct, without ever murmuring, whatever the 
palate chooses to consign to them, and I have not yet lost a 
tooth by age. I was a hard student until I entered on the 
business of life, the duties of which leave no idle time to 
those disposed to fulfil them; and now, tired, and at the 
age of seventy-six, I am again a hard student. Indeed, my 
fondness for reading and study revolts me from the drud- 
gery of letter writing; and a stiff wrist, the consequence 
of an early dislocation, makes writing both slow and painful. 
I am not so regular in my sleep, as the Doctor says he was, 
devoting to it from five to eight hours, according as my 
company or the book I am reading, interests me; and I never 
go to bed without an hour, or half an hour's previous reading 
of something moral, whereon to ruminate in the intervals of 
sleep. But, whether I retire to bed, early or late, I rise 
with the Sun. I use spectacles at night, but not necessarily 
in the day, unless in reading small print. My hearing is 
distinct in particular conversation, but confused when seve- 
ral voices cross each other, which unfits me for the society 
of the table. I have been more fortunate than my friend 
m the article of health. So free from catarrhs that I have 

* Mr. Jefferson here forgot his philosophy— without grief, how 
should we experience joy> without pain, how should we feel plea- 
sure? ^ 

t Dr. Rush. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 307 

not had one, (in the breast I mean) on an average of eight, 
or ten years through life. I ascribe this exemption partly to 
the habit of bathing my feet in cold water for sixty years past. 
A fever of more than twenty-four hours I have not had 
above two or three times in my life. A periodical head -ache 
has afflicted me occasionally, once perhaps in six or eight 
years, for two or three weeks at a time, wliich seems now 
to have left me; and, except on a late occasion of indisposi- 
tion, I enjoy good liealth;too feeble, indeed, to walk much, 
but riding without fatigue six or eight miles a day, and 
sometimes thirty or forty. I may end these egotisms, 
therefore, as I began, by saying, that my life has been so 
much like that of other people, that I might say with Horace, 
to every one, ' nomine mufato, narratur fahnla de te.'' I 
must not end, however, without due thanks," &c. 

Mr. Jefferson has been much censured for his ideas on 
religion, as if he possessed the power to believe whatever 
he might will to believe, without reference to the verdict of 
his understanding. Fortunately, his sentiments have not 
been left to surmise and suspicion, for he has himself told 
us what he believed, which completely refutes the com- 
monly received opinion that he was an Atheist. In order 
that we may not run the risk of misrepresenting him on this 
momentous topic, I shall quote his own words; "I have to 
thank you for your pamphlets on the subjects of Unitari- 
ANisM, and to express my gratification with your efforts for 
the revival oi primitive Christianity in your quarter. No 
historical fact is better established, than that the doctrine 
o{ one God, pure and uncompounded, was that of the early 
ages of Christianity; and was among the efficacious doc- 
trines which gave it triumph over the Polytheistn of the 
ancients, sickened with the absurdities of their own theology. 
Nor was the unity of the Supreme Being ousted from the 
Christian creed by the force of reason, but by the sword of 
civil government, wielded at the will of the fanatic Atha- 
nasius. The hocus-pocus phantasm of a God like another 
Cerberus, with one body and three heads, had its birth and 
growth in the blood of thousands and thousands of martyrs. 
And a strong proof of the solidity of the primitive faith, is 
it's restoration, as soon as a nation arises which vindicates 
to itself the freedom of religious opinion, and its external 
divorce from the civil authority. The pure and simple unity 
of the Creator of the universe, is now all but ascendant in 



508 THE LIFE OF 

the Eastern States; it is dawning in the west, and advan- 
cing towards the South; and I confidently expect that the 
present generation will seeUnitarianism become the general 
religion of the United States. The eastern presses are 
giving us many excellent pieces on the subject, and Priest- 
ley's learned writings on it are, or should be, in every 
hand. In fact, the Athanasian paradox that one is three, 
and three but one, is so incomprehensible to the human 
mind, that no candid man can say he has any idea of it, 
and how can he believe what presents no idea.^ He who 
thinks he does, only deceives himself. He proves, also, 
that man, once surrendering his reason, has no remaining 
guard against absurdities the most monstrous, and, like a 
ship without a rudder, is the sport of every wind. With such 
persons, guUability which they call faith, takes the helm 
from the hand of reason, and the mind becomes a wreck." 
In another place he says: — ''The doctrines of Jesus are 
simple, and tend all to the happiness of man. 

"1. That there is one only God, and he all perfect. 

" 2. That there is a future state of rewards and punish* 
ments. 

" 3. That to love God with all thy heart, and thy neigh- 
bor as thyself, is the sum of religion. These are the great 
points on which he endeavoured to reform the religion of 
the Jews. " He then compares these with the doctrines of 
Calvin., and adds, " Now, which of these is the true and 
charitable Christian.^ He who believes and acts on the 
simple doctrines of Jesus, or the impious dogmatists, as 
Athanasius and Calvin.^ Verily, I say these are the false 
shepherds foretold us to enter not by the door into the 
sheepfold, but to climb up some other way. They are mere 
usurpers of the Christian name, teaching a counter religion 
made up of the deleria of crazy imaginations, as foreign from 
Christianity as is that of Mahomet, Their blasphemies have 
driven thinking man into infidelity, who have too hastily 
rejected the supposed author himself, with the horrors so 
falsely imputed to him. Had the doctrines of Jesus been 
preached always as pure as they came froin his lips, the 
whole civilised world would now have been Christians. I 
rejoice that in this blessed country of free inquiry and be- 
lief, which has surrendered its creed and conscience to 
neither kings nor priests, the genuine doctrine of one only 
God is reviving, and I trust that there is not a young man 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 309 

now living in the United States who will not die an Unita- 
rian." 

That he believed in a future state is evident from the 
following passage of a letter addressed to John Adams:— 
" It is of some comfort to us both, that the term is not very 
distant, at which we are to deposit in the same cerement, 
our sorrows and suffering bodies, and to ascend in essence 
to an ecstatic meeting with the friends we have loved and 
lost, and whom we- shall still love rmr/ never lose again." 
He also believed in a superintending Providence. 

Mr. Jefferson had at all times shown more or less of a 
hostile feeling, if not an exterminating spirit, against the 
Supreme Court of the United States, which he par- 
ticularly manifested during Burr's Trial. This feeling 
he still cherished as late as 1822, when he lamented that 
the judges were appointed for life, and advocated their de- 
pendence on the President and Senate, for the renewal of 
their commissions every four or six years. But why did he 
not commence this reform in the States.^ Even democratic 
Pennsylvania has her judges for a life-term! On this sub- 
ject he says «* That there should be public functionaries 
independent of the nation [people !] whatever may be their 
demerit, is a solecism in a republic of the first order of ab- 
surdity and inconsistency." 

In 1823, at the age oi eighty, he still retained all his fer- 
vor of feeling and animation of passion; and, in a letter to 
Mr. Madison, he uttered one of his most violent and bitter 
phillipics against Timothy Pickering, the government of 
England, and the party ot Anglomen. His vigour of con- 
stitution, and force of mind, \vere indeed wonderful. 

Mr. Jefferson had now for some years been active as the 
patron of a new College, or university, at Charlotteville, 
to which he devoted much of his time, intellect, taste, 
learning, and toleration. 

In 1820, he states that he received 1267 letters, * many 
of them requiring answers of elaborate research, and all 
to be answered with due attention and consideration.' At 
his advanced age this was certainly a laborious and oppres- 
sive performance. 

The extensive scale of magnificent hospitality which Mr. 
Jefferson conceived himself bound to practise, towards the 
crowd of visitors who at all times clustered round him, 
from the different countries of Europe as well as the States, 



310 THE LIFE OF 

and whom lie entertained in a style which would have re- 
quired a regal income to defray without embarrassment, 
again reduced him to those streights and difficulties wkich 
had, on a prior occasion, compelled him to dispose of his 
valuable library to Congress. To relieve him from this 
pressure, consistently with the puritanical austerity of his 
own republican principles, was extremely difficult, if not 
impossible. The introduction of a pension list would have 
been worse than ^funded debt or the nationcd bank; to be- 
stow gratuities was equally exceptionable; to create sine- 
cures was worse than all. His estates were valuable, pro- 
vided an equitable price could be obtained for them; and 
to enable him to pi'ocure their full value, the Legislature 
of Virginia passed a law in the year 1826, authorising him 
to dispose of them by lottery. This remedy was cer- 
tainly a severe one. It might afford him relief from debt, 
but it would also leave him destitute of property; and its 
preamble might, without exaggeration, have been couched 
in the following words — 'An Act to enable Thomas Jeffer- 
son to pay his debts by the sale of his estate, and retire to 
the county poor-house to end his old age.' Virginia, lofty 
and chivalrous Virginia, always proud, like Cornelia, to 
boast of her sons as i\\^ jewels of Rome ^ ought not to have 
sunk the generosity of her character in the cold austerity of 
the rigid republican, when she beheld the honourable po- 
verty of her public benefactor invoking succour in his help- 
less age; especially when that poverty was caused by his 
desire to preserve the dignity of his former station, and the 
eclat of his native State for southern hospitality. W^hen 
we look back to that period of Mr. Jefferson's life, we are 
struck with astonishment at the caprice that distinguished 
the course of the United States, which could refuse a muni- 
ficent grant of Icmd to one of her own most eminent citizens, 
and yQ,i grant the same to a foreigner, who, whatever may 
have been his military merits, never possessed the same 
genius, or had rendered to the country any services that 
would bear a comparison with those of the sage of Monti- 
cello. 

Struck with surprise and sympathy for this extraordinary 
penury of a man whom all had supposed to be opulent, be- 
cause none had reflected on the liberal scale of his hospitali- 
ty, the people in many States spontaneously rushed to his 
relief, and calling public meetings, made voluntary contri- 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 311 

butions, to enable him to extricate himself from his embar- 
rassments. The laudable and noble character of this sym- 
pathy, however, was more precious, as it respected the 
virtue of the people, and the veneration in which the illus- 
trious object of its concern was held, than for the efficacious 
nature oit' the succour it afforded. It could hardly be ex- 
pected that any plan of this kind could be devised which 
would result in an adequate product — if the subscriptions 
were large, they would be confined to a class of society 
whose dislike of Mr. Jefferson would restrain them from 
contributing; and if small, the aggregate could not become 
an object worth the acceptance. From these causes the 
popular mode of succour entirely failed; and the more eligi- 
ble one of compounding with his creditors was adopted; a 
proposition which, having originated with them, was the 
more honourable to both parties. 

His own account of this state of his affairs, will, how- 
ever, be most satisfactory. In a letter to Mr. Madison, he 
says — ''You will have seen in the newspapers some pro- 
ceedings in the Legislature, which have cost me much 
mortification. My own debts had become considerable, 
but not beyond the effect of some lopping of property, 
which would have been little felt, when our friend * * * * 
gave me the coup de grace. Ever since that I have been 
paying twelve hundred dollars a year interest on his debt, 
which, with my own, was absorbing so much of my annual 
income as that the maintenance of my family was making 
deep and rapid inroads on my capital, and had already 
done it. Still, sales at a fair price would leave me com- 
pletely provided. Had crops and prices for several years 
been such as to maintain a steady competition of substan- 
tial bidders at market, all would have been safe. But the 
long succession of years of stunted crops, of reduced prices, 
the general prostration of the farming business, under le- 
vies for the support of manufactures, &c.* with the calami- 
tous fluctuations of value in our paper medium, have kept 
agriculture in a state of abject depression, which has peo- 
pled the western states by silently breaking up those on the 
Atlantic, and glutted the land market, while it drew off" its 
bidders. In such a state of things property has lost its 

* I consider aU this as a fallacious account of the true causes of 
his ruin, which was obviously produced by his princely hospitality ! 



S12 THE LIFE OF 

character of being a resource for debts. Highland, in 
Bedford, which, in the days of our plethory, sold readily 
for from fifty to one hundred dollars the acre, (and such 
sales were many then,) would not now sell for more than 
from ten to twenty dollars, or one quarter, or one-fifth of 
its former price. Reflecting on these things, the practice 
occurred to me, of selling, on fair valuation, and by way of 
lottery, often resorted to before the revolution to effect 
large sales, and still in constant usage in every State for 
individual as well as corporation purposes. If it is per- 
mitted in my case, my lands here alone, with the mills, 
&c. will pay every thing, and leave me Monti cello and a 
farm free. If refused, I must sell every thing here, per- 
haps considerably in Bedford, move thither with my family, 
where I have not even a log hut to put my head into, 
and whether the ground for burial will depend on the 
depredations which, under the form of sales, shall have 
been committed on my property. The question then with 
me was tdtriim horimi? But why afflict you with these 
details ^ Indeed I cannot tell, unless pains are lessened 
by communication with a friend. The friendship which 
has subsisted between us, now half a century, and the 
harmony of our political principles and pursuits, have been 
sources of constant happiness to me through that long 
period." 

It was amidst all the deep afflictions caused by these 
embarrassments, that Mr. Jefferson still found inclination 
and intellect enough at his command, even at that great 
age to which he had advanced, to write the following beau- 
tiful effusion of patriotism to Mr. Giles; which, while it 
exhibits a firm attachment to the Union, also indicates that 
invincible spirit of republican liberty, which would resist 
to tlie death every encroachment upon the Constitution, 
every infringement of the rights of the people, and every 
usurpation upon the sovereignty of the States. I shall make 
no apology for quoting it entire. 

TO WILLIAM B. GILES. 

MoNTicELLo, Dec. 26, 1825. 
"Dear Sir — I w^rote you a letter yesterday, of which 
you will be free to make what use you please. This will 
contain matters not intended for the public eye. I see, as 
you do, and witli the deepest affliction, the rapid stride* 
with which the federal branch of our government is advanc*^ 



THOMAS JEFFERSOX. 313 

iiig towards the usurpation of all the rights reserved to the 
States, and the consolidation in itself of all powers foreign 
and domestic; and that too by constructions, wiiich, if 
legitimate, leave no limits to their power. Take together 
the decisions of the Federal Court, the doctrines of the 
President,'^ a.nd the misconstructions of the constitutional 
compact, acted on by the Legislature of the Federal branch; 
and it is but too evident that the three ruling branches of 
tliat department, are in combination to strip their col- 
leagues, the State authorities, of the powers reserved 
by tliem, and to exercise themselves all functions, foreign 
and domestic. Under the power to regulate commerce, 
they assume indefinitely that also over agriculture and 
manufactures, and call it « regulation^ to take the earnings 
of one of these branches of industry, and that too the most 
depressed, and put them into the pockets of the other, the 
most flourishing of all. Under the authority to establish 
post roads, they claim that of cutting down mountains for 
the construction of roads, of digging canals, and aided by a 
little sophistry of the words * general welfare;' a right to do 
not only the acts to effect that, which are specifically 
enumerated and permitted, but whatsoever they shall think, 
or pretend will be for the general welfare. _ And what is 
our resource for the preservation of the constitution? Rea- 
son and argument? You might as well reason and argue 
with tlie marble columns encircling them. The representa- 
tives chosen by ourselves.? They are joined in the combi- 
nation, some from incorrect views of government, some 
from corrupt ones, sufficient voting together to outnumber 
the sound parts; and with majorities only of one, two, or 
three, bold enough to go forward in defiance. Are we then 
to stand with the hot-headed Georgian .? No. That must 
be the last resource, not to be thought of until much longer 
and greater sufferings. If every infraction of a 
compact of so many parties is to be resisted at once, as a 
dissolution of it, none can ever by. formed which would 
last one year. We must have patience and longer en- 
durance, then, with our brethren while under delusion; give 

* A democratic President, an admirer of the French revolution! 
a minister recalled by AVashington, and a Secretary of State recom- 
mended by Jefferson himself! A legitimate heir to the dynasty of 
the democrats ! ! 

C c 



314 THE LIFE OF 

them time for reflection and experience of consequences; 
keep ourselves in a situation to profit by the chapter of acci- 
dents; and separate from our companions only when the sole 
alternatives left, are the dissolution of the Union with them, 
or submission to a government without limitation of powers. 
Between these two evils, when we must make a choice, 
there can be no hesitation. But in the meanwhile, the 
States should be watchful to note every material usurpation 
on their rights, to denounce them as they occur in the most 
peremptory terms; to protest against them as wrongs to 
which our present submission shall be considered, not as 
acknowledgments or precedents of right, but as a tempo- 
I'ary yielding to the lesser evil, until their accumulation 
shall overweigh that of separation. I would go still fur- 
tlier, and give to the federal member, by a regular amend- 
'inent of the Constitution, a right to make roads and 
CANALS OF INTERCOMMUNICATION betwccn the Statcs, pro- 
viding sufficiently against corrupt practices in Congress, 
(log-rolling, &c.) by declaring that the federal proportion 
of each State, of the monies so employed, shall be in works 
within the State, or elsewhere with its consent, and with a 
due salvo of jurisdiction. This is the course which I think 
safest and best as yet." 

Here was due reverence for the Union, mixed with a 
proper regard for the rights of the States. 

Mr. Jefferson had now been anxiously devoting the last 
fifteen, or eighteen years of his life, to reconcile ancient 
quarrels, heal lacerated friendships, and conciliate political 
animosity; but it does not appear that he was always suc- 
cessful in this benevolent inclination of his amiable feelings. 
With John Adams, he appears to liave concluded something 
like a dubious reconciliation; sincere no doubt on the part 
of Jefferson; but deceitful and hollow, on that of his ancient 
rival. In this particular, Mr. Jefferson betrayed a lust of 
popular esteem, which his fame could have dispensed with, 
and which his character and station ought to have restrained 
him from; but the motive was sound; his feelings were de- 
cidedly benevolent, and he no doubt experienced pain, as 
long as he thouglit occasion of enmity existed between him 
and others. 

It was on such an occasion, that in 1824, he addressed a 
letter to a man conspicuous in the annals of intrigue, cele- 
brated for the arts of party management and renowned for 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 315 

the expertness and address of the managing politician.* 
This man had, it seems, taken occasion to transmit to Mr. 
Jefferson, the phillipic of Timothy Pickering against John 
Adams: in which he had given a faithful portrait of the 
father of the alien and sedition laws; but which he had 
mixed up along with some strictures against Mr. Jefferson. 
In the answer of the latter to Van Buren, many admissions 
are made by the writer, which go to recal former charges 
made by him against Washington, among which I shall 
quote the following: — "My last parting with General 
Washington, was at the Inauguration of Mr. Adams, in 
March 1797, and was warmly affectionate; and I never had 
any reason to believe any change on his part, as there 
certainly was none on mine. But one session of Congress 
intervened between that and his death, the year following, 
in my passage to and from which, as it happened to be not 
convenient to call on him, I never had another opportunity; 
and as to the cessation of correspondence observed during 
that short interval, no particular circumstance occurred for 
epistolary communication, and both of us were too much 
oppressed with letter writing, to trouble either the other, 
with a letter about nothing." 

*' The truth is, that the federalists, pretending to be the 
exclusive friends of General Washington, have ever done 
what they could to sink his characte'i*, by hanging theirs on 
it, and by representing as the enemy of republicans him, 
who, of all men, is best entitled to the appellation of the 
Father of that Republic, which they were endeavouring to 
subvert, and the republicans to maintain." 

Here is an evident contradiction, which it is impossible 
to understand. Although Washington belonged to no party, 
yet it is certain that the party of the federalists was formed 

* It must certainly be esteemed a very sing'ular circumstance that 
a modern politician should have had the temerity to place himself in 
an attitude that would serve to give a sanction to the libels heaped 
upon the head of the great and pure Washington, by enticing- from 
Mr. Jefferson a history of political errors, of which he had before 
made ample atonement, by the strong" avowal of his regret for their 
commission, as well as his full confession of their fallacy! It is, how- 
erer, still more astonishing-, that Mr. Jefferson should ever have be- 
come involved in a common censure on John Adams, from a disposi- 
tion inherent in both those ancient enemies, and octog-enerian 
fiiends, to pull down the father of his country to a level with their 
own passions and envy ! 



316 THE LIFE OF 

on his prmciples, his policy, and his views of the Constitu- 
tion: and that the adverse party arose from causes entirely 
opposite, headed by Mr. Jefferson ! Washington belonged 
to the nation; but he was emphatically supported by the fe- 
deral party, whose fundamental policy was afterwards 
adopted in toto by the republicans. This view of the ques- 
tion is acknowledged by Jefferson himself, in another part 
of this letter. " General Washington, after the retirement 
of his first cabinet, and the composition of his second, en- 
tirely federal, and at the head of which was Mr. Pickering 
himself, had no opportunity of hearing both sides of any 
question. His measures, consequently, took more the hue 
of the party in whose hands he was." Mr. Jefferson hence 
proceeds to argue, that General Washington was more of a 
republican than a federalist ! ! although he had before accused 
him not only of federalism but m,o?iarchy! " April 9, 1792. 
The President asked me, if the treaty stipulating a sum, 
and ratified by him, with the advice of the Senate, would 
not be good under the Constitution and obligatory on the 
representatives to furnish the money? I answered it certainly 
would, and that it would be the duty of the representatives 
to raise the money; but, that they might decline to do what 
was their duty, and I thought it miglit be incautious to com- 
mit himself by a ratification with a foreign nation, where he 
might be left in the lurch in the execution: it was possible 
too, to conceive a treaty, which it would not be their duty 
to provide for. He said that he did not like throwing too 
much into democratic hands, that if they would not do what 
the Constitution called on them to do, the government 
WOULD BE AT AN END, and must then assume another 
FORM. He stopped here; and I kept silence to see whether 
he would say any thing more in the same line, or add any 
qualifying expression to soften what he had said: but he did 
neither, "^^ 

So early as 1823, Mr. Jefferson defined the principles, 
and predicted the importance of the Nullification, or 
State Rights party, in a letter to Lafayette, from which I 
select a pertinent passage. " We are all in agitation even 
in our peaceful country. For in peace as well as in war, 
the mind must be kept in motion. Who is to be the next 
President, is the topic here of every conversation. My 
opinion on that subject is what I expressed to you in my 
last letter: the question will be ultimately reduced to the 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 317 

northernmost and southernmost candidates. The former 
will get every federal vote in the Union, and many repub- 
licans; the latter all those denominated of the old school; for 
you are not to believe that these two parties are amalga- 
mated 5 that the lion and the lamb are lying down together. 
The Hartford Convention, the victory of Orleans, the peace 
of Ghent, prostrated the name of federalism. Its votaries 
abandoned it through shame and mortification, and now 
call themselves republicans. But the name alone is changed, 
the principles are the same. For in truth, the parties of 
whig and tory, are those of nature. They exist in all coun- 
tries, whether called by these names, or by those of aristo- 
crats and democrats. Cote Droite and Cote Gauche, Ultras 
and Radicals, Serviles and Liberals. The sickly, weakly, 
timid man, fears the people, and is a tory by nature. The 
healthy, strong and bold, cherishes them, and is formed a 
whig by nature. On the eclipse of federalism with us, 
although not its extinction, its leaders got up the Missouri 
question, under the false front of lessening the measures of 
slavery, but with the real view of producing a geographical 
division of parties, which might ensure them the next Pre- 
sident. The people of the north went blindfold into the 
snare, followed their leaders for a while with a zeal truly 
noble and laudable, until they became sensible that they 
were injuring instead of aiding the real interests of the 
slaves, that they had been used merely as tools for election- 
eering purposes; and that trick of hypocrisy then fell as 
quickly as it had been got up. To that is now succeeding 
a distinction, which, like that of republican and federal, or 
whig and tory, being equally intermixed through every 
State, threatens none of those geographical schisms which 
go immediately to a separation. The line of division now, 

IS THE PRESERVATION OF STATE RIGHTS «S reseVVecl 171 the 

Constitution, or by strained constructions of that instru- 
ment, to merge all into a consolidated government. 
The TORIES are for strengthening the executive and ge- 
neral government; the whigs cherish the representative 
branch, and the rights reserved by the States,* as the bul-. 

* Had Jefferson lived to the year 1832, what would he have said 
of the two parties whom he has here desig-nated as Whigs and To. 
ries; seeing- thatthev could change their principles and position, and 
yet still retain their names ! ! ! What would he have said of his native 

Cc 2 



318 THE LIFE OF 

wark against consolidation, which must immediately gene- 
rate MONARCHY. And although this division excites, as yet, 
no warmth, yet it exists, is well understood, and will be a 
principle of voting at the ensuing election, with the reflect- 
ing men of both parties." 

Thus Mr. Jeft'erson lived to acknowledge under his own 
name, that the only point of division between the two great 
parties of the country, was the advocacy of state rights 
by one, and federal consolidation by the other: and 
although a deep seated and early prejudice still determined 
him to insinuate a charge of establishing monarchy against 
the federalists, in which it was impossible he could have 
been logically sincere, yet when free from the visitation of 
this Constitutional fanaticism, he could clearly discern, 
and candidly acknowledge, that there existed no difterence 
between democracy and federalism, but that radical and 
original point of contention, which had existed even under 
the old confederacy^ which led to the adoption of the pre- 
sent constitution^ and which had been so triumphant in the 
rejection of the ultra doctrines of John Adams. True, this 
was a prolific parental question, involving numberless 
others of great moment, touching the Supreme Court, the 
Bank of the United States, the Tariff, and Internal Im- 
provements; comprehending, too, a system of policy vital in 
its principles, and extensive in its effects; but it is worthy of 
remark, that, after the lapse of half a century, the varia- 
tions of party controversies revolving through the entire 
circle of new interests, should return round to the point 
from which they originally started, more distinctly marked, 
and emphatically important, than when first made the bat- 
tle ground of liberty, by the advocates of restricted autho- 
rity and limited power. 

The infirmities of age, and the maladies incident to the 
gradual breaking up of a vigorous constitution, now began 
to make a sensible impression upon the health of this great 
man. For several years he had been gradually sinking under 
the weight of age; like some towering and ancient oak, 
once the monarch of the woods in bloom, bulk and vigour; 
but now withering in its topmost branches; worm-eaten in 



State, sustaining- a federal executive on the principles of consolida- 
tion; and provnig recreant to State rig-hts? «^ Tempora mutaniur, 
et nos mutantur in illis," 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 319 

its trunk; and limb after limb stripped of its accustomed ver- 
dure, till every blast threatened its prostration, as it bent 
and groaned beneath the surges of time. These infirmities, 
which for the last two years had been heavily pressing on him, 
reached their crisis on the 26th of June, 1826, when the 
severity of his pains compelled him to confine himself to 
bed. Still, his constitution being powerful, impressed the 
idea among his friends that his illness was not serious, and 
w^ouldnot prove fatal; but his own conviction was different; 
he felt that his last moments were near, and prepared his 
mind with the calm resignation of a philosopher, to meet the 
awful event as became a man, who had lived beyond the 
usual term allotted to his kind; and whom nature, by the 
decay of his faculties, had been gradually weaning, like a 
kind and merciful mother, from the joys of life. For some 
time preceding his illness, his conversation had instinctively 
turned in the channel of the approaching end of his mortal 
career, as if warned by an inward monitor of the doom to 
which he was shortly destined. But, amidst all his obser- 
vations upon the coming event, he indulged in no fears, and 
vented no repinings. ' I do not wish to die,' said he, ad- 
dressing those around him, 'but I do not fear to die — ac- 
quiescence is a duty under circumstances not placed among 
those we are permitted to control.' The only source of 
anxiety which appeared to exist arose from his desire to 
behold his favourite university at Charlotteville, firmly 
established on a prosperous and reputable basis. Having 
called in a physician, his malady yielded to the skill of art; 
but the Doctor expressed his apprehensions'that the extreme 
debility to which it had reduced him, might prevent his 
recovery. Mr. Jefferson himself had no doubt on the sub- 
ject — in the full consciousness of approaching dissolution, 
although entirely free from bodily pain. Serene and com- 
posed in his mind, he issued his directions with the greatest 
calmness respecting his burial, requesting his coffin to be 
plain, and his body to be interred at Monticello, without 
pomp or parade; thus evincing in his last hours, that love of 
simplicity, and republican frugality which had distinguished 
him so conspicuously through a long life. Having completed 
his orders for his funeral, he called the members of his 
family around his couch, conversing separately with each 
one, and presenting to his favourite daughter, Mrs. 
Randolph, a small morocco case, with a request that 



320 THE LIFE OF 

she would not open it until after his demise, and which con- 
tained a poetic effusion in praise of her virtues and affection, 
from his own elegant and tasteful pen. This was on Sunday; 
and continuing to linger over to the succeeding day, he then 
enquired, with some anxiety, what was the day of the month, 
and being answered the 3d of July, he expressed a strong 
desire that he might be permitted to survive another day, to 
breathe the Fiftieth Anniversary of American Independence. 
The strength of the desire perhaps led to the fruition of his 
wishes; for nature continued to sustain him up to the longed 
for hour, when expiring with a gentle sigh, his spirit was 

fathered to the abode of his fathers. Thus died Thomas 
EFFERSON, the author of tllC DECLARATION OF AMERICAN 

Independence, ruling whose passion through a long life 
never left him, even at the moment when exhausted nature 
eclipsed the flame of his spirit in the night of the grave, on 
the day which his pen had made memorable in the annals of 
nations. 

This extraordinary death of an illustrious man produced 
a deep sensation on the public mind; and all parties united 
in paying the tribute of praise and honour to his splendid 
talents, his patriotic achievements, and his public services; 
and {{popular superstition gave some addition to the force 
of the catastrophe, by its occurring on i\\Q fiftieth anniversarr/ 
of independence, the virtue of the feeling may justly excuse 
the extravagance of the idea, which so extraordinary an 
association of pride, patriotism and love of liberty conspired 
to produce. 

Mr. Jefferson, at the period of his death, had attained to 
the age of eighty-three years, two months and twenty-one 
days! 

His personal endowments, like his political attributes, 
were beyond the ordinary dimensions, being six feet two 
inches high, thin, but well formed in his person, erect in 
his carriage, and imposing in his appearance. His complec- 
tion was fair, his hair red and luxuriant, with light eyes 
that sparkled with intelligence, and beamed with philan- 
thropy, which gave to his countenance an expression at 
once peculiar and remarkable, corresponding to his square 
face, his expansive forehead and large nose, whose dilated 
nostril denoted the high spirit of the generous steed, and 
which, in man, indicates deep passion, lively sensibility 
and profound thought. His visage was of that class, 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 321 

which, to behold, instinctively produces the feeling, while 
it prompts to the exclamation, ♦ that is the head of a great 
tnan.^ 

An unaffected simplicity of manners v/as mixed with a 
native dignity which was inseparable from his personal ad- 
vantages of stature and form^ but which was always re- 
strained to unobtrusive bounds by his republican habits; so 
that all who approached him were perfectly at ease. His 
disposition being cheerful, his conversation was lively and 
enthusiastic, remarkable for the chastity of his colloquial 
diction, and the correctness of his phraseology. 

Benevolence and liberality were prominent traits of his 
excellent disposition. To his slaves he was an indulgent 
master, always sacrificing his own interests to their com- 
forts. As a neighbour, his liberality and friendly offices 
extorted universal esteem. As a friend he was ardent and 
unchangeable; and as a host, the munificence of his hospi- 
tality was carried to the culpable excess of self-impoverish- 
ment ! 

In forming his opinions, he is represented to have been 
deliberate, cautious and circumspect; and to have been as 
tenacious of their retention, as he was slow to adopt them. 
His temper was even; and he possessed so much command 
over it, that his most intimate friends have declared they 
never beheld him give way to passion, petulence, or anger; 
in proof of which his servants always regarded him with 
the ardour of filial affection. 

We have already seen, from his own account, that his 
domestic habits were simple and unostentatious; that he 
was a hard student; a persevering labourer; a vigilant over- 
seer; a faithful correspondent; and a successful farmer. 

As a man of letters, and a votary of science, few Ameri- 
cans have risen to higher distinction, or displayed more 
liberal patronage. As a profound Greek scholar he had few 
equals; and in the mathematics, he attained a proficiency 
not common to American students. But he did not con- 
fine his powerful intellect to any particular branch of sci- 
ence and literature, but roamed over all, without impairing 
its vigour by the diffusiveness of his attention, or the 
variety of his knowledge. He is said to have bestowed 
much attention upon the northern languages of Europe, as 
being powerful auxiliaries to the study of our own. Like 
all philosophers, however, a great portion of his knowledge 



322 THE LIFE OF 

was rather curious than useful, and acquired more with a 
view to the fame of erudition, than the natural and whole- 
some appetite for learning, rendered eager by rational curi- 
osity. 

In forming a just appreciation of the character of Thomas 
Jefferson, the American patriot will cast aside the narrow 
prejudices of party, which embittered the times in which 
he flourished 5 and soaring to the higher grounds of national 
feeling, contempLite him as he appeared to the eye of the 
republic, in the character of the patriot, the philosopher 
and the statesman. In the first named capacity, we have 
beheld him occupy a prominent station in the Legislature of 
Virginia, until elected a delegate to Congress^ he became 
illustrious for the production of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, as well as distinguished for the prominent and 
efficient manner in which he urged the adoption of that 
measure upon those who were more reluctant to cut oif the 
last hope of reconciliation with the mother country. In this 
earlier period of his history, up to the unhappy era of the 
French revolution, Mr. Jefterson stands in bold relief, as 
an active, zealous, talented and disinterested patriot^ who 
sacrificed his days and nights to the emancipation of his 
country from the fetters of monarchical dependence, to 
redeem her from the feudal thraldom of the laws of entail 
and primogeniture, and to advance to a state of practical 
utility the equal rights of man, to secure tiie diftusion of 
the greatest sum of human happiness. It was in this period 
of his career, that he made a bold and decided stand for 

those FUNDAMENTAL POINTS of FREEDOM, Vv^hich liaVC im- 

mortalised his fiime among republicans, and embalmed his 

name in the hearts of the people. It was then that he so 

ably contended for — 

First — The reserved rights of the States, and the non -con- 
struction of the Constitution — by implication, derivation 
and analogy. 

Second — That he opposed the power to incorporate a bank, 
because not authorised by the constitution. 

Third — That he advocated economy in expenditures, rota- 
tion in office, the extinguishment of the funded debt, and 
the abolishmennt of all pomp, parade and ceremony in 
government. 

Fourth — That he contended for the neutral policy of the 
nation, under the motto of ' friendship with all nations, 
alliances with none.' 



THOMAS JEFFERSOX. 523 

Fifth- — Tlie repeal of internal taxes, and all excise laws. 
We are to consider him as a philosopher during the period 
of his retirement, from 1793 to the epoch of his election as 
President; for, although much of his time was spent in po- 
litical correspondence, yet as he professed retirement, and 
took no prominent part in the contests of the day, we must 
regard him as exclusively occupied in the pursuits of litera- 
ture, the study of science, the practice ot husbandry, and 
the knowledge of government. It is to be lamented, that 
during this period of his retirement, he could not find lei- 
sure to compose some elaborate work, that might have been 
worthy of the fame of the author of the Notes on Virginia. 

As a statesman, Mr. Jefferson's character beams in full 
effulgence upon us, from the time of his election as Presi- 
dent, to the period of his death; and here he exhibits an 
excellence of character, not indeed without blemish, but so 
pure, so vast, so exalted, as to extort our hearty and un- 
qualified admiration. To detail the peculiar merits of his 
Presidentship, in this place, would be to indulge in a repe- 
tition of what we have already related. But a synopsis 
of his political creed, such as he illustrated it by his course 
of administration, will be necessary to make up a just esti- 
mation of his political merits, in contradistinction to the 
administration of John Adams: — 

1. An administration conducted on the pure principles of 
constitutional republicanism — pomp, state and ceremony 
laid aside. 

2. Patronage discarded, or reduced. 

3. Internal taxes abolished, and superfluous officers dis- 
banded. 

4. Thirty-three millions of the national debt liquidated. 

5. The liberty of speech and of the press maintained. 

6. Peace with all nations; alliances with none. 

But Mr. Jefferson has, himself, given so particular and 
lucid an account of his public services, that I cannot do 
better than conclude this sketch of his character by a quo- 
tation from his own article. He says, **^I may, however, 
more readily than others, suggest the offices in which I 
have served. I came of age in 1764, and was soon put into 
the nomination of justices of the county in which I live, and 
at the first election following, I became one of its repre- 
sentatives in the Legislature.' 

"I was thence sent to the old Congress. 



324 THE LIFE OF 

" Then employed two years with Mr. Pendleton and Mr 
Wythe-, on the revisal and reduction to a single code of the 
whole body of the British statutes, the acts of our Assem- 
bly, and certain parts of the common law. 

*' Then elected Governor. 

"Next to the Legislature, and to Congress again. 

*' Sent to Europe as Minister Plenipotentiary. 

'' Appointed Secretary of State to the new government. 

"Elected Vice President, and President. And, lastly, 
a Visitor and Rector of the University. In these different 
offices, with scarcely any interval between them, I have 
been in the public service now sixty-one years; and during 
the far greater part of the time, in foreign countries, or in 
otlier States." 

*'If it were thought worth while to specify any particu- 
lar services rendered, I would refer to the specification of 
them made by the Legislature itself in their farewell ad- 
dress, on my retiring from the Presidency, February, 1809. 
There is one, however, not therein specified, the most im- 
portant in its consequences, of any transaction in any por- 
tion of my life; to wit, the head I personally made against 
the federal principles and proceedings, during the adminis- 
tration of Mr. Adams. Their usurpations and violations 
of tlie Constitution at that period, and their majority in 
botli Houses of Congress, were so great, so decided, and 
so daring, that after combating their aggressions, inch by 
indi, without being able in the least to check their career, 
the republican leaders thought it would be best for them to 
give up their useless eftbrts there, go home, get into their 
respective legislatures, embody whatever of resistance they 
could be formed into, and, if ineffectual, to perish there as 
in the last ditch. All, therefore, retired, leaving Mr. Gal- 
latin alone in the House of Representatives, and myself in 
the Senate, where I then presided as Vice President. Re- 
maining at our posts, and bidding defiance to the brow- 
beatings and insults by which they endeavoured to drive 
us off also, we kept the mass of Republicans in phalanx to- 
getlier, until the Legislatures could be brought up to the 
charge; and nothing on earth is more certain, than if myself 
particularly, placed by my office of Vice President at the 
head of the Republicans, had given way, and withdrawn 
from my post, the Republicans throughout the Union would 
have given up in despair, and the cause would have been 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 325 

lost forever. By holding on, we obtained time for the 
Legislatures to come up with their weight; and those of 
Virginia and Kentucky particularly, but more especially 
the former, by their celebrated resolutions, saved the Con- 
stitution at its last gasp. No person who was not a witness 
of tlie scenes of that gloomy period, can form any idea of 
the afflicting persecutions and personal indignities we had 
to brook. They saved our country however. The spirits 
of the people were so much subdued, that they would have 
sunk into apathy and Monarchy as the only form of go- 
vernment which could maintain itself. 

'' If legislative services are worth mentioning, and the 
stamp of liberality and equality, which was necessary to be 
impressed on our laws, in the first crisis of our birtli as a 
nation, was of any value, they will find that the leading 
and m.ost important laws of that day were prepared by my- 
self, and carried chiefly by my efforts, supported, indeed, 
by able and faithful coadjutors from the ranks of the House, 
very effective as seconds, but who would not have taken 
the field as leaders. 

" The prohibition of the further importation of slaves 
was tlie first of these measures in time. 

" This was followed by the abolition of entails, which 
broke up the hereditary and high-handed aristocracy 
which, by accumulating immense masses of property in sin- 
gle LINES OF families, had divided our country into two 
distinct orders of nobles and plebeians.* 

" But, further, to complete the equality among our citi- 
zens so essential to the maintainance of republican govern- 
ment, it was necessary to abolish the principle q^ primoge- 
niture. I drew the law of descents, giving equal inherit- 
ance to sons and daughters, which made a part of the re- 
vised code. 

'' The attack on the establishment of a dominant reli- 
gion was first made by myself. It could be carried at first 
only by a suspension of salaries for one year, by battling 
it again at the next session for another year, and so from 

The distribution of Federal Patronage in single lines of fami- 
riES, by the national executive, has produced the same effect. Sosrs 
inherit the offices of their fathers with as much regularity and cer- 
tainty as they did their estates, under the law of Primogeniture ! ! 
and this, too, under the reformed dynasty of the immaculate Repub- 
licans, of whom Mr. Jefferson was the model and the father! ! ! 

D d 



326 THE LIFE OF 

year to year until the public mind was ripened for the bill 
for establishing religious freedom, which I had prepared 
for the revised code also. This was at length established 
permanently^ and by the efforts chiefly of Mr. Madison, 
being myself in Europe at the time that work was brought 
forward* 

"To these particular services^ I think I might add the 
establishment of our university, as principally my work, 
acknowledging at the same time, as I do, the great assist- 
ance received from my able colleagues of the visitation. 
But my residence in the vicinity, threw, of course, on me 
the chief burthen of the enterprise, as well of the buildings, 
as of the general organisation and care of the whole. The 
effect of this institution on the future fame, fortune, and 
prosperity of our country, can as yet be seen but at a 
distance. But an hundred well educated youths, which it 
will turn out annually, and ere long, will fill all its offices 
with men of superior qualifications, and raise it from its 
humble state to an eminence among its associates which it 
has never yet known; no, not in its brightest days. That 
institution is now qualified to raise its youth to an order of 
science unequalled in any other State; and this superiority 
will be the greater from the/re6 range of 7nmd encouraged 
there, and the restraint imposed at other Seminaries by the 
shackles of a domineering hierarchy, and a bigoted 
ADHESION TO ANCIENT HABITS. Those HOW OH the theatre 
of affairs, will enjoy the ineffable happiness of seeing them- 
selves succeeded by sons of a grade of science beyond their 
own ken. Our sister States will also be repairing to the 
same fountains of instruction, will bring hither their genius 
to be kindled at our fire, and will carry back the fraternal 
affections, which, nourished by the same alma mater, will 
knit us to them by the indissoluble bands of early personal 
friendships. The good old dominion, the blessed mother 
of us all, will then raise her head with pride among the 
nations, will present to them that splendour of genius 
which she has ever possessed, but has too long suftered to 
rest uncultivated and unknown, and will become a centre 
of ralliance to the States whose youth she has instructed, 
and as it were adopted. I claim some share in the merits 
of this great work of regeneration." 

We may consider as among Mr. Jefferson's last acts, the 
publication of his ^Memoirs,'^ ^finas,^ and 'Correspondence,'^ 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 



327 



which we have understood, that he marked for publication, 
previous to his demise, with his own hand. * That his mind 
was sound and sane at that period, will not admit of a 
doubt. The works, therefore, which he thus ordered to be 
placed before the people, must be estimated as perfor- 
mances published by the author during his life-time 5 and 
not as posthumous productions, for the publicity of which 
he was not responsible. The fact that he arranged and di- 
rected their publication, is sufficient to stamp them with 
the character of his living works, as much so, as if he had 
corrected the proof-sheets, as they fell from the press. 
Why he did so direct their publication, will admit of vari- 
ous constructions. My hypothesis is this — that he designed 
the volumes published by his grandson as materials for a 
biography, or history, from the time he ceased his Memoirs 
up to the period immediately preceding his death; and cer- 
tainly the character of the papers thus published, are every 
way calculated to carry out the idea of their publicity, as 
here suggested; being every way competent to furnish ample 
materials for a history of his life. How far thej influence 
the moral hues of his character, is another question, which 
perhaps, in the enthusiasm of literary vanity, and the fulness 
of political fame, he entirely omitted to consider. Censure, 
heavy and inconsiderate, has already been his portion for 
this redeeming act of political justice; for which, in our 
opinion, he deserves more encomium, than for any other act 
of his retirement. By giving the public these documents, 
he kas placed them in possession of the truth, reckless of 
the consequences to his own glory, and in defiance of the 
vulgar prejudices of a narrow minded policy. But why 
should the disclosure of the truth, depreciate the fame of 
Mr. Jefferson? Such a position is neither consistent with 
sound ethics, nor compatible with political justice. What- 
ever Mr. Jefferson has avouched for under his own hand, 
touching himself, 7mist be received as historical truth: and 
if such averments be not favourable to his fame, who shall 
say, he had not aright to delineate himself as he really was, 
without being controlled, or restri cted by any artificial 

* I have this fact from Robert*, Vaux, Esq. who derived his infor- 
mation from the grandson of Mr. Jefferson; and which is important, 
as it dispels a g-eneral error of opinion, that his grandson acted with 
iiTDiscKETioif in making the pubhcation, when, in fact, he had nq 
jioBAL agency whatever in the act. 



328 THE LIFE OF 

standard of his character which may have been adopted b^ 
the public under the delusion of appearances, or the fanati' 
cism of faction. His character was certainly best known 
to himself — his motives were truly known to no otherj and 
his sentiments respecting his cotemporaries, could only 
flow in the limpid streams of truth from his own lips; 
and besides, his fame was his own property; if it had been 
overrated by those who knew him not, it was competent for 
him to present the people with a faithful likeness of himself, 
by which they might correct the error. I do not know, that 
Mr. Jefferson has disclosed any thing but what might not 
have been reasonably inferred from his conduct, or deduced 
from his principles — so that his testimony has only placed 
beyond doubt, what might have been otherwise open to 
dispute, controversy and doubt. 

The first motive which actuated Mr. Jefferson to order 
this posthumous publication, was, without doubt, literary 
vanity — the ruling passion strong in its approach to the 
grave: the second motive was to solve political problems, 
which, if not untied, might blur his fame; and to blacken by 
the worst imputations, the glory of men, whose renown, 
unless destroyed might equal his own, or perhaps eclipse 
him. These three motives are evident on the face of these 
volumes. His ' Anas,' blacken Washington, Adams, and 
Hamilton, as monarchists. Math slight shades of difference 
in their opinions, on trivial subjects. Yiisletters solve many 
curious problems, among which, and not the least, is his own 
conduct towards the great federal triumvirate just named. 
His ^Memoirs,'' gratify his literary vanity, and indicate 
the extent of fame to which he was destined. I can readily 
imagine, that Mr. Jefferson might suppose all these publica- 
tions would redound to his glory and fame — that his Me- 
moir would be venerated by the people, with an enthusi- 
astic devotion in virtue of his services — ^that his '.-^nrts,' 
would manifest a patriotism and love of liberty which would 
make up for calumny, mendacity and fiction; and that the 
benevolence and American spirit, which breathes through his 
« Epistles,^ would more than compensate for their insince- 
rity, want of coherence, consistence and harmony, as well 
as candour, rectitude and trut^/. And as will always be the 
case in such w^orks, the good will predominate, and thus 
snatch them as a ivhole, from that perdition, to which, if 
totally evil, they must inevitably be doomed. Thus, it is 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 329 

after all, but a sprinkling of evil that we can detect in the 
post mortem publications of his grandson, as it respects his 
own character, as a politician and a statesman. How far 
these documents may affect his party is another question; 
and I must here candidly acknowledge, that Mr. Jefferson 
has said enough in these volumes, to overthrow the entire 
foundation and superstructure of the democratic partyj not 
leaving one stone upon another, or cement enough to bind 
together a fragment of principle to a pebble of policy! 
They have wrought a total subversion of the great land- 
marks, which were supposed to divide the two parties. As 
the grand magician of his party, who conjured it out of the 
vices of the French effervescence of Ninety-Three; he has, 
by a single wave of his wand, dispelled the whole illusion; 
and the cheating scene vanishes from our view, with the 
same apparition-like celerity that it first made its appear- 
ance; and we stand paralysed with amazement, at the ex- 
traordinary fact, of so large a portion of mankind having 
given way to a delusion, which eludes the grasp of reason, 
defies the definition of logic, and bafiles the mightiest efforts 
of the great genius of its author, to reduce it to the palpable 
form and tangible proportions of reality. Who, in the con- 
templation of such a picture, can abstain from venting a 
sigh over the frailty of genius, and indulging in a smile, 
when he reflects on the easy credulity of the world, that 
not only swallows with avidity, but invites by eager solicir 
tation, the fiction that enslaves, and the illusion that 
degi-ades it! 

From a careful investigation of the writings of Mr. Jef' 
ferson, published since his demise, we deduce the following 
three causes of party distinction, between federalists and 
republicans; most of which, as characterising the former, 
have been fully adopted and confirmed by the latter. 

First. — English Monarchists, who adopted the Bri- 
tish Constitution as the model of perfection, and desired to 
introduce it in the United States: the proof being in the 
desire of the Eastern States to dissolve the Union. This 
was a fiction of fanaticism, and of course, not to be adopted 
by any party. 

' Second, — The Monied Aristocracy, revolving round 
the Bank af the United States, and the Funded Debt. 

Third,-^T\\e friends of the Union of the States, as 
contending for the supremacy of the United States over the 

Dd 2 



330 THE LIFE OF 

States, in opposition to those who espouse State Rights, 
on the ground that the Sovereignty of the latter is para- 
mount to the authority and power of the former! 

These may be termed the substantive grounds of party 
distinction, as ayowed by Mr. Jefterson, omitting personal 
and minor considerations, incidental to, or growing out of 
them. 

Now, the first has been fully exploded as a vision of 
fanatacism, unworthy the serious attention of any rational 
being; in itself ridiculous, and completely refuted by the 
change of the scene of Sedition from the North to the 
South,: the federalists having become republicans — and 
the republicans of the South being transformed into English 
monarchists; yet at the same time being friends of state 
RIGHTS, as well as champions of the bank of the united 
states — comprehending the singular contradiction of being 
the largest stockholders in that institution — the essence of 
tlie monied aristocracy, and according to Mr. Jefterson's 
theory, not omitting even Virginia ! the admirers of the 
British Constitution, who desire the restoration of the 
English Monarchy! 

In the second point, we have an ample refutation in the 
historical fact, that the present Bank of the United States, 
was incorporated by a Congress unanimously Democratic 
— and that it was approved and suggested by Mr. Jef- 
ferson's favorite democratic disciple, James Madison^ 
as well as its stock being owned, and its management con- 
trolled by democrats — enemies of England, and champions 
of State Rights I At a time too, when the Funded Debt 
liad nearly all got into the hands of the republican party. 

His third point of distinction is not much sounder: and car- 
ries more of specious pretence to liberty, than true devotion 
to constitutional law. As the author of the Kentucky and 
Virginia resolutions, nullifying the alien and sedition 
LAWS, Mr. Jeft'erson is justly considered as the father of this 
false doctrine, of oppugnation to federal laws, in virtue of re- 
served riglits, not because there do not exist reserved rights, 
but because, to exercise them in the mode here meditated, 
would be to destroy the end of government, and prostrate 
the ichole system of rights belongino; to the majority; for a 
few reserved rights, supposed to be infringed by an excited 
minority. Mr. Jefterson has himself confuted this doctrine 
oi forcible resistance of the laws of the Union in his letter 
to Judge Johnson, where, in criticisino- MarshaWs decision 



THOMAS jEFFfiRSON'. 531 

in the case of Cohen, he remarks — •• But the chief justice 
says, ' there must be an xdtimate arbiter somewhere.' True, 
there must, but does that prove it is either party? Th£ 
xdtimate arbiter is the people of the uxiox, assembled 
BY THEIR deputies IX coxvExTiox, ot the Call of Con- 
gress, or of two-thirds of the States. Let them decide to 
Which thev mean to give an authority chiimed by two of 
their organs. And it has been the peculiar wisdom and 
felicity of our Constitution, to have provided this peaceable 
appeal, where that of other nations is at once to force.'' 
Thus emphatically did Mr. Jefterson confute all the dif- 
ferences, which remained for the ingenuity of party to 
draw a line of hostile separation between nominal federal- 
ists and professing republicans. So much for those sub- 
statitive grounds of difference, which can only be relied on 
to justify pretensions to superior political virtue in either 
party. 

In the same letter to Judge Johnson, he justifies his 
publication of his ' Letters' and * Anas' by the following 
observations — ^ History may distort truth, and will distort 
it for a time, by the superior efforts at justification of those 
who are conscious of needing it most. Aor tvill the open- 
ing scenes of our present government be seen in their true 
aspect, nntil the letters of the day, now held in private 
hoards, shall be broken up, and laid open to public view.- 
It was, no doubt, to facilitate this object of historical truth, 
tthich impelled him to order those publications which have 
so astonished and electrified some, and so enlightened and 
undeceived all ! 

It was doubtless with a view to clear up. the opening 
scenes of the government, that Mr. Jefferson gave his pri- 
vate letters to the gaze of the public eye; and to this lau- 
dable motive, blended with that literary vanity, which is 
so common to all, and so harmless in itself, are we indebted 
to him for that rich repast Mhich his writings furnish to 
the curious politician, and the patriotic American. 

Whether all has been published from his pen, however, 
that would throw light on the opening schemes of the po- 
litical drama of his day, is a question which yet remains to 
be answered: and which time only can disclose. It seems 
to be probable that little more remains behind, with the 
single exception of that full correspondence which took 
place between him and John Adams, during his retirement; 
and which naturallv excites a desire that those, to whom 



332 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 

the papers of the latter statesman have been confided, will 
co-operate in clearing up the mystery of the melo-drama 
of party which has been acted for the amusement of the 
people, and the profit of the managers, by giving to the 
public a full and exact edition of his letters, papers and 
memoirs. 

Mr. Jefterson's style of composition will compare with 
the best authors of the English language, being at once 
energetic, harmonious, flowing and elegant. His diction 
was highly expressive, his choice of words copious, and his 
command of language wonderful ^ but he sometimes degene- 
rated into the French structure of phrase; and sometimes 
became feeble and obscure from too much diftuseness. On 
the whole, however, his composition is equally remarkable 
for strength, purity and elegance; and he is one of the few 
of our public men who may take rank by the side of Wash- 
ington, Hamilton, Marshall, and Jay, for the eloquence 
of their style, and the force and energy of their diction. 

On the whole, viewing his character in every light in 
which it presents itself, and contemplating him in the 
aggregate of his greatness, history presents us with few 
men endowed with greater abilities, or better calculated to 
promote the happiness of mankind. Fulfilling this desti- 
nation of his genius and his learning, he carried out into 
practice the plans suggested by his benevolence for the 
EQUALIZATION of human rights and human enjoyments; and 
became, not only one of the founders of this great repub- 
lic, but the special apostle of liberty, in opposition to 
those systems of aristocracy which seek to grind the peo- 
ple to the lowest point of human imperfection and enjoy- 
ment, in order to make them the more passive and unresistt 
ing victims to the fetters of power, and the schemes of am- 
bition. With a heart always alive to the inherent claim 
of the great family of his fellow beings to life, liberty and 
property, on the principles of equity and equal rights, he 
possessed a head endowed with sagacity to penetrate to the 
causes of human oppression, and resolution sufficient to 
undertake their removal; nor did he pause in this glorious 
work of political reformation, until, by patient persever- 
ance, and unremitting labour, he succeeded in the consum- 
mation of a system of principles which have secured to the 
people of the United States the greatest sum of political 
happiness, which seems compatible with the exercise of 
universal liberty. 



WASHIUGTOKr AND JEPFBIlSOMr 



Among the people of antiquitj, it was esteemed almost 
miraculous for men to rise to supreme power in virtue of 
their genius and merit, independent of those adventitious 
aids at that period so much resorted to: such as force, fraud, 
fortune, or some other accident, distinct from native vigor 
of mind, and felicity of genius, on the one hand, and the 
beauty and harmony of the elective franchise on the other; 
by which a free people spontaneously confer sovereign 
authority as a reward to merit, or a token of gratitude for 
public services. 

In modern ages, but especially in this happy country, we 
have become so accustomed to this imposing spectacle, as 
no longer to behold it with surprise; and it therefore ex- 
cites little emotion, although worthy of the highest admira- 
tion, as a circumstance ennobling to human nature, to be- 
hold Washington and Jefferson springing up from the ob- 
scure condition of plebeian rusticity, to occupy the chair of 
supreme power, arrayed in all the attributes of kings, and 
armed with the mighty energies of empire. Yet this fact 
illustrates with so much force, the most beautiful feature of 
our free and equal government, where all native Americans 
are eligible to the highest post of honour, that we may rea- 
sonably pause for a moment to moralise on this resemblance 
in their humble origin, and splendid fortunes — to contem- 
plate in the young Surveyor of Lord Fairfax, the renowned 
FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY^ and to tracc in the Village Law- 
yer, of a small town in Virginia, the future author of the 
Declaration of American Independence, and the third Pre- 
sident of the United States — one of whom, by his achieve- 
ments in arms shook the British empire to its centre; while 
the other, by his masterly exposition of human rights, scat- 
tered the seeds of revolution over every soil cursed by the 
hand of oppression, or blighted by the shade of tyranny. 



334 PARALLEL. 

It was for the poets of antiquity to sing of the creative 
powers of genius, and to invent monstrous fables to illus- 
trate its transcendfint career j but it was left for American 
history to exhibit in the common occurrences of real life, 
the force of superior intellect to mould for itself that'high 
destiny for which nature had c|ualified it at its birth, by 
endowing it with faculties to overturn the mighty fabric of 
feudal ages, consolidated by tyranny, and cemented by 
time. It was left for Washington in the field, and Jef- 
ferson in the cabinet, to accomplish a revolution without 
a parallel in history for its grandeur, and which may chal- 
lenge the wisdom and judgment of mankind to surpass it in 
the wholesome principles it has established for the govern- 
ment, or the mass of happiness it lias secured for the en- 
joyment of the human family. 

An excess of glory is highly injurious to a just apprecia- 
tion of character; for, while greatness intoxicates the mind, 
virtue is sure to captivate the judgment: and the lustre of 
both combined, are naturally calculated to lead to adulation 
on the one hand, or give birth to envious detraction on the 
other. 

The unanimous award of mankind in favour of the genius 
and honesty, purity and patriotism of the character of 
George Washington, while it furnishes ample reason to 
abstain from an indiscriminate indulgence in panegyric, 
which his greatness can well dispense with, presents us, 
on that account, with sufficient inducements to analyse the 
peculiar traits of his great mind, with an impartial freedom, 
which, being equally removed from servile flattery, and 
rigid justice, may preserve that happy medium, in which 
truth, softened by benevolence, may draw a faithful picture, 
without deepening the shadows by malice, or flinging the 
lustre of fiction over the bright and smiling features of its 
virtues. 

Genius, like Nature, combines such opposite qualities, 
as either to kindle enthusiasm, or excite incredulity and 
dislike. Hence men, too great, are equally liable to be- 
come objects of adoration to some, and of abhorrence to 
others. In this manner, it is always more difficult to dis- 
sect than to appreciate the concentrated merits of one who 
is alike distinguished in opposite professions, than another 
who is merely noted for excellence, however transcendant, 
in a single pursuit. 



PARALLEL. 335 

Thus, where the glory of tlie statesman and the warrior 
unite, the glare and ettulgence of his entire fame, will 
scarcely permit us to survey with cool and impartial reason 
the qualities and deeds of the one, separate and apart from 
the talents and achievements of the other, so as to arrive at 
an exact knowledge of the principles and views of the poli- 
tician, distinct from the honesty and zeal of the patriot; or 
the courage, skill, and prudence of the military commander* 
We all know that Jove has his thunders; but it is permitted 
to few only to trace the mysterious course of his wisdom, 
or admire the infinite beneficence of his decrees, that govern 
and control the harmony of nature. 

In the same manner, the verdict of the public has attested, 
in a voice too emphatic to admit of a doubt, to the genius, 
learning, statesmanship, and patriotism of Thomas Jef- 
ferson, so as to dispense with that spirit of adulation, 
which we are so prone to fall into when engaged in an in- 
vestigation of the merits, or a comparison of the characters 
of individuals, prominent on the page of history, for their 
virtues, talents, and public services: for, true greatness, 
like Nature in her majesty, is ' when unadorned adorned 
the most.' The statue of Jupiter does not require to have 
its brows entwined with roses, in order to add to its sub- 
lime proportions, or deepen the veneration felt for the god. 

But here again a fresh difficulty arises 5 for genius in 
one branch of greatness only, however resplendent, must 
suffer disparagement when brought into contrast with con- 
centrated greatness, that glows with equal lustre in every 
path of duty. Apollo may captivate the hosts of heaven 
witli his lyre^ but it is for Jove only equally to excite affec- 
tion, admiration and awe. 

This contrast of their characters and career, however, 
is not only natural, but unavoidable. Both were the found- 
ers of the republic — both flourished in the same administra- 
tion — both co-operated to produce the same revolution, and 
establish the same government — both acted as Presidents 
of the republic — both headed antagonist parties — both con- 
fen-ed unbounded benefits on the same age, and on posterity 
-—both interwove their minds in the government, and infused 
their principles into the people. To brin^ two such charac- 
ters into comparison appears inevitable; if that comparison 
results in contrast, it is still more extraordinaiy, but equally 
unavoidable. 



536 PARALLEL. 

It will scarcely be denied, that a man may be honest in 
his views of State policy, and firm in his political prin- 
ciples of constitutional liberty; that he may love his coun- 
try with an unalloyed and holy love, seeking to promote 
its welfare and happiness, with a single eye to its glory 
and freedom; and yet, that his principles may be inva- 
lidated or impaired by a constitutional moral weakness 
that gives the hue of truth to his fallacious impressions, or 
arrests his best judgment by the irresistible force ot a pre- 
dominant passion. The history of man proves him a crea- 
ture of delusions, by showing his convictions to be the off- 
spring of his passions rather than the effects of his reason. 
This, indeed, is more or less the fallible tenure of all great- 
ness; even the highest intellect and genius, to which every 
man, however he may rise in the scale of superiority or 
perfection is liable; but which is too frequently confounded 
with a total exemption from error, in the general glare of 
renown which encircles a great and a good name. 

As time rolls on, and the experience of new generations 
reveals discrepancies of opinion, or starts doubts of princi- 
ples and powers, in relation to the organic structure of our 
government: — or conflicting interests give birth to fresh 
questions of right, or novel propositions of liberty; the 
authority of great names, as well as the force of illustrious 
examples, as additional inducements arise to recur to them, 
become of the most essential importance, and not only ex- 
cite an intense interest and curiosity, but prompt us, from 
a regard to our own rights, to ascertain the principles and 
opinions of those eminent men who were instrumental in 
forming the government, or achieving the independence of 
the nation; and thus beget an additional curiosity, of a cha- 
racter pecuKar to itself, to pry into the motives of their 
conduct, and compare the merits of their deeds, as well as 
the soundness of their principles, the sincerity of their 
opinions, and the honesty of their professions. 

Among the events within the compass of the present age, 
which have thrown a new and exciting interest over the 
lives, deeds and opinions of these two extraordinary men, 
the animated and still protracted discussion of the rights of 
the individual States, and the controlling power of the 
Union — stand prominent for their formidable consequences, 
and maintain a fearful attitude, both in respect to the per- 
manence of the Union, and the popular fame of its two 



PARALLEL. 



most distinguished founders. Tke reference that has so 
frequently been made to the opinions of INIr. Jefterson, to 
sustain the doctrines of the party in favour of State supre- 
macy; and the implied sanction of Washington to principles 
of an opposite tendency, seem to have invested those emi- 
nent patriots with a responsibility for modern opinions, 
which an investigation of facts will scarcely warrant. Yet, 
how far these presumptions are justified by historical events 
and political testimony, presents a subject for curious in- 
vestigation, at the same time that it gives rise to another, 
still more deeply interesting, because involving considera- 
tions of the highest moment to the rights, liberties and hap- 
piness of tlie human family, not only in respect to their 
populai' appreciation, and the true value which we ought to 
place on their respective characters, but whether their 
principles, attributes and achievements, as statesmen, poli- 
ticians and Presidents, were truly modelled on the frame 
of the Constitution, or the Constitution modelled on the 
frame of their opinions and principles? And it will appear 
strange, if, in the progress of this investigation, we should 
arrive at the extraordinary fact, that the mind of TVash- 
ington was the fountain whence flowed the wisdom and 
beauty of the federal Constitution — and that Constitution 
became the fountain of Mr. Jefferson's political principles; 
so that instead of bringing them into conflict, upon this vexed 
and litigated question, we reduce them to harmony by 
showing that while both were republicans, both were at the 
same time federalists: the only difference between them 
consisting in this — that Washington, as the Father of the 
Constitution, viewed it with the eye of knowledge — and 
that Jefferson, as its disciple, surveyed it with the prying 
glance of criticism, content to acquiesce in its doctrines, 
yet as captious, to question its wisdom, as he felt disposed 
to acquire celebrity by pointing out its defects, or suggest- 
ing improvements, which might fortify liberty in impreg- 
nable strength or diff*use its blessings to the more universal 
enjoyment and happiness of mankind. 

It is a striking circumstance, in the history of these dis- 
tinguished men, that the most ardent friendship should have 
subsisted between them from the year '76 to '93; and that 
on the part of Jefferson it never abated up to the day of his 
death, as far as professions serve to indicate affection and 
esteem; while as it respects W^ashington, he seems suddenly 
E e 



338 PARALLEL. 

to have dropped all intercourse with the former from the 
period of that popular commotion which followed the ratifi- 
cation of Jay's treaty, when Mr. Jefferson took so decided 
a part against the father of his country. True, Jefferson 
always contended that no coolness existed between them; 
but as it respected Washington, this -was an error. On the 
part of Jefferson, it must ever be regretted that political 
management should have brought him into collision with 
Washington; for no man was better calculated for ardent 
and lasting friendship than Jefferson — whose heart on all 
occasions seems to flow into his pen, and spread over his 
paper, in the most captivating language of affection. His 
letter to Washington, accepting the State Department, is 
the purest effusion of devoted friendship, that, perhaps, ever 
was penned by one statesman to another! Who was to 
blame for the rupture of this amity? He who changed his 
opinions and his deportment, or he who remained stedfast 
and unwavering in his ancient creed and patriotic demea' 
nor? Unquestionably, he who changed with the times, and 
preferred ambition to fixed principles, was more open to 
censure for ruptured friendship, than the man, who clinging 
to the Constitution of his country, resisted the allurements 
of foreign factions, in order the more securely to establish 
tlie independence of his country. The moment that Jef- 
ferson left the Washington Cabinet, even overlooking his 
assaults on its chief and its measures, whilst a member of 
it— that moment, he ceased to be a friend to the great man 
at the head of the nation. It did not necessarily follow, 
however, that he should become his enemy; yet he did be- 
come his enemy, by secret imputations of monarchical pro- 
pensities, and avowed impeachment of the vigor of his un- 
derstanding, by representing him as the dupe of those 
around him: playing on his character, the insidious artillery 
oi insinuation — vouching for his honesty, but lamenting his 
delusion — confessing to his patriotism, yet weeping over the 
infatuations that were pushing the country to ruin ! The 
crime of Washington was his abstinence from the French 
Revolution; and that he gave the preference to Hamilton as 
a counsellor, than to Jefferson! Hence the self-love of the 
latter was wounded; and under the mortification of this ap- 
parent neglect, he felt resentment against one, whose great- 
ness he envied; at the same time that he resolved to detract 
from his virtue, in order to lessen his influence, which 



PARALLEL. 339 

must otherwise place Adams, or Hamilton, as his successor 
in the Presidential chair. 

But before I enter fuUj into a review of their deeds, it 
ma J here be proper to meet, and obviate an objection to 
bringing them into comparison, or juxtaposition, which has 
so often been alleged, as to merit a special remark. In 
forming a comparison between the characters of these emi- 
nent men, we naturally entertain an apprehension of bring- 
ing them into conflict, by a supposed hostility of principles 
and of genius, of party attachments and national policy, 
which is calculated to throw them into such decided con- 
trast, as necessarily to create a mutual disparagement; as 
if the merit of one was the demerit of the other; and that 
there existed some malign spirit, which flaring the torch of 
demoniac rage over their ashes, would render the excel- 
lence of both entirely incompatible with truth, and offeu' 
sively repugnant to justice. 

Happily for the cause of history and public virtue, these 
apprehensions are found to be as fallacious, as they appear 
at first sight to be illiberal; for the mist of party passion 
having been blown off by the winds of time, we can now 
analyse their virtues and talents, without having our per- 
ceptions distorted by the lens of faction, or our feelings 
embittered by that rage of collision which is so apt to excite 
resentment, and so often festers into malignity. Besides 
this reason, which in itself is amply sufficient, the virtues 
of Washington have left nothing in the power of history 
to disparage — while the public services of Jefferson, 
are more than adequate to counteract any possible frailty 
of character, which the most fastidious virtue, or sharp- 
sighted malignity could detect, amidst the varied mass of 
opinions and principles, that constitute his political, literary, 
scientific, and philosophical character. 

In the dift'erent bent of their genius, and their opposite 
pursuits in life, we may discover ample and adequate cause 
to account for all those features of contrariety, which dis- 
tinguished and marked their respective characters: and 
which, throwing one into a splendid eminence, which the 
civic talents of the other caused him to despair of attain- 
ing, naturally infused a feeling of envy, which in time in- 
duced those collisions, that terminated in an attitude of 
unfriendly disparagement. The instinctive propensity of 
Washington to the occupation, and his powerful ability to 



340 PARALLEL. 

achieve the conquests of war, forms a beautiful contrast to 
the equally decided bias of the mind of Jefferson to civil 
and pacific pursuits^ and not only explains the disparity in 
their characters, but accounts, in some measure, for the 
discrepancy of their views, principles and policy. But it 
was certainly a misfortune in Jefterson, that he possessed 
but 0726 of the attributes of greatness, and that one the least 
obtrusive, and the least glaring, which naturally seeks the 
shade of the grotto, or the quiet repose of the study, achiev- 
ing its intellectual conquests in tranquil labour, and denied 
all that eclat and renown, which attends upon ' the pride, 
pomp and circumstance of glorious war.' This deprivation 
of military talent, was itself a cause of inferiority, which 
no acquirements of science, or vigour of genius could com- 
pensate; and which must necessarily depress him below 
Washington, unless the latter had been, in like manner, as 
destitute of civil greatness as Jefferson was of military ta- 
lents. 

On the other hand, it was the good fortune of Washington, 
to combine all the great, and to be disfigured by none of the 
little, or mean qualities of the statesman and the soldier; 
but to rise to the highest degree of perfection in both, as his 
genius qualified him to shine with equal lustre in both- — an 
endov/ment so rare as to furnish us with but two or three 
similar examples throughout the whole range of history. 
This combination of civil and military talent, called into 
action at a peculiar period of the revolution of the govern- 
ment from dependence to liberty — exalted him to the head 
of the nation, by those natural and imposing circumstances, 
v/hich invests a father with authority over his children, by 
inspiring that unbounded confidence, which flows from gra- 
titude for that safety and protection, which a general only 
can give to a people in time of war, when pillage, devasta- 
tion, ravage and flames, aggravate the horrors of the sword. 
It was equally fortunate, that his military station was so 
intimately connected with, and dependent on his civil du- 
ties, so that he could not fail to become proficient in both at 
the same time, in a path peculiar to himself — clear and un- 
obstructed by the labours of others, without precedents to 
embarrass him, or counteracting power to perplex his en- 
terprises, or check and defeat his plans. By this means, 
the force of his genius had full play, and increased the na- 
tural weight of his character to a gigantic magnitude, 



PARALLEL. 341 

opening a wide field for the exhibition of virtues, and the 
display of talents, which showing him to be superior to the 
abuse of power, and competent to all the duties of both civil 
and military 'government, gave him a complete command of 
public opinion, by having possessed himself of the hearts 
and confidence of the people. Thus, he rose to the supreme 
magistracy, by the natural force of his virtues, the vigour 
of his genius, the vastness of his services, and the extent 
and solidity of his patriotism, without resorting to intrigue 
or management. He did not require, and he did not pos- 
sess, the art, finesse and stratagems of the professional po- 
litician; and was, therefore, untarnished by those vices, 
which, politically, passions generate, to soil the character by 
sores, as fevers deface the complexion by unsightly erup- 
tions. He had no rival — -no competitor, because no man of 
his age united in himself the same qualities, or had per- 
formed the same services to his country: hence, no man 
thought of attempting to rival one, to whom all bowed with 
deference, as to a being of acknowledged superiority— and 
to whom all were equally contented and proud to owe alle- 
giance, as the virtuous and incomparable chief of their free 
and unbiassed choice. 

Less commanding in the scope of his public services, less 
exalted in his political attitude, and less brillant in his ce- 
lebrity, Mr. Jefferson was still equally transcendent in the 
grasp of his mind, and equally distinguished for the value 
of his public performances; intrinsically equal as a states- 
man, though externally inferior to Washington in the attri- 
butes of heroic splendour. To Thomas Jefferson we are 
indebted for that great and magnificent creed of civil 
LIBERTY which noM' defiues, secures, and protects our rights, 
as men born equally free, equally entitled to the pursuit 
and enjoyment of happiness, and equally qualified for the 
exalted task of self-government. The Declaration of 
Independence, which drew its existence from the lucid 
force of his eloquent pen, inspired by the genuine spirit of 
liberty, as well as sustained by the soundest doctrines of 
philosophical truth, must ever be estimated as a production 
sufficient to entitle him to the admiration and gratitude of 
all people in all ages; and yet great as it intrinsically is, 
as the special testament of American liberty, it is only to 
be adequately appreciated by viewing it as the fountain of 
human rights in every clime — as the grand foundation upon 
E e2 



342 PARALLEL. 

which every nation might erect the superstructure of Free- 
dom — as the great root of human rights, from which grew 
the branches of universal liberty, under whose shade every 
man could enjoy his own vine, and his own fig-tree. Such, 
rationally appreciated, is the inherent merit of that memo- 
rable paper. 

But its preciousness did not terminate in its production^ 
nor was its great author to be satisfied with the mere pro- 
mulgation of abstract principles, without feeling an ambi- 
tion to give them a practical illustration which should de- 
monstrate that they were adapted to the increase and 
diftusion of human happiness. It was reserved for Jeffer- 
son to direct the administration of the federal government 
according to the Declaration of Indepeiidence, and to have 
established in its principles the great landmarks of the 
Constitution that was subsequently adopted; and which, 
although not present in person, to influence, he was present 
in spirit, speaking through the truths of that document all 
that liberty and wisdom could have enunciated from the 
glowing language of his tongue, had he been on the floor of 
the Convention. In this there is a striking similitude be- 
tween him and Washington; the two greatest documents of 
the republic, the Farewell Address, and the Declara- 
tion OF Independence, having been produced by them; 
both invaluable, as containing the imperishable creed of 
American Liberty, but produced under circumstances the 
very opposite of each other, and for purposes wholly dis- 
similar; the Declaration of Lidependeyice leading the way 
to a separate government in a republican form, and the 
Farewell Address being designed to perpetuate the Union, 
and preserve liberty, by lessons derived from the experi- 
ence of its great author. And fortune, as if to compen- 
sate to Jefterson, for the superior glory of Washington, 
had decreed that his name should not be appended to the 
Declaration of Independence; so she equally favoured 
Washington, in turn, by denying Jefferson the fame of sit- 
ting in the Federal Convention. Here again, however, 
Washington soars superior to the sage of Slonticello; for 
Fortune, having given him an opportunity to compose his 
Valedictory, as a set-off to the eclat of the Declaration; 
while, on the part of Jefferson, he had not the power to over- 
come the disadvantage of being excluded from tiie Conven- 
tion of States that framed the Constitution! 



PARALLEL. 343 

As it respects the comparative merits of the Declaration 
and the Valedictory, it is difficult to determine which can 
boast the superiority. It was the peculiar fortune of Jef- 
ferson, and the peculiar felicity of his genius, incident to 
the active benevolence of his heart, to establish in the De- 
claration a radical principle of civil liberty, which, having 
extorted the universal assent of mankind, has caused it to 
be viewed as a standard of free government, which equally 
defies tyranny to extinguish, and reason to controvert. 
That standard consists in the defined and acknowledged 
SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE, and their inalienable equal- 
ity OF RIGHTS^ which, at that period, made a bold and dar- 
ing inroad on established opinions, and inflicted on anti- 
quated prejudices a startling and mortal shock, which ran 
with the quickness of electricity through the nerves of man- 
kind, waking nations from the death-slumber of despotism, 
and causing thrones to totter, and empires to quake to their 
centre. It was universal in its sweep — it was local in its 
efficacy. In the radical principle it defines, we possess an 
invaluable test of political justice, by which we may ad- 
just all controversies in collateral questions of government, 
or abuses of powers for it establishes points of policy as cer- 
tain and as irrefragible as the axioms of mathematical truth, 
or the unvarying principles of logic. Starting on the prin- 
ciple of inherent sovereignty and inalienable rights in the 
people, Jeff'erson furnished us with materials for that beau- 
tiful theory and practice of government, whose power 
extends only to the limit of expressly delegated authority, 
which never can encroach upon the rights reserved by tlie 
people, or pass beyond the reach of their control and final 
recal; for it settled the responsibility of all public officers 
to their principals, the people, at the same time that it 
secured a recurrence to first principles to correct abuses; 
which principles were rendered so obvious and just, as to 
defy tyrants to obscure, suffi)cate, pollute or destroy them. 
There is a merit in such an achievement which few states- 
men can boast of; and yet this w^as not all, for to Jefterson 
belongs the peculiar and undivided glory of not only the 
origin, and the daring enterprize of the primary announce- 
ment of the truths of the Declaration to the world, but the 
higher merit of acting on them as the primary elements of 
liberty, of deeper authority than the constitution itself. 
The original suggestion, or authorship of this paper, there- 



344 PARALLEL. 

fore, was not the eclipsing point of merit, belonging to his 
genius and patriotism. When invested with the supreme 
tunctions of government, it was his fortune to carry out, 
into pracice, those radical doctrines of liberty which he had 
so skilfully incorporated in the Declaration, thus giving 
birth to a school rather than a party, who were wedded to 
a consistent adherence to the practice of doctrines of re- 
publican liberty, which that document had maintained in 
theory with such captivating eloquence and resistless effect. 
This was a high merit in Jetterson and his school, because 
of tlie existence of an adverse party, which, while it tacitly 
granted the eternal truths of the Declaration, yet felt dis- 
posed to recede in practice from those grounds of right 
which made power responsible to the people, reduced it to 
the minimum of energy necessary to order, and lopped off 
all excrescences of pomp, expense and perpetuity, which 
might seduce it into extravagance, or inflate it with despo- 
tism. Such were some of the peculiar beauties and merits 
of the Declaration of Independence, which, in the thunders 
of Washington's cannon, unrolled the scroll of human rights 
to the delighted gaze of an astonished world, surprised at 
tlieir own freedom, and bewildered with the consciousness 
of their own power. 

The Valedictory of Washington, with less of universal 
interest, comprises infinitely more of domestic utility and 
merit. It is the solemn record of wisdom, drawing its im- 
portant truths from the infallible texts of history and eX' 
perience; and announcing its precepts of public virtue, in 
tlie hallowed tones of pure and disinterested patriotism. 
It is the chart of that eternal ocean of time through which 
the ship of our liberty is to be steered, on which is painted 
the safe passage of the broad sea, the whirling pools and 
eddies that engulph and drift the vessel into dangerous cur- 
rents, and the rocks above, and the shoals beneath the waves, 
which, when once touched, wreck her forever; at one spot 
marking the cape of storms, and at another denoting the 
treacherous silver of the surface, which tempts only to 
destroy. It is the work of the greatest political pilot that 
ever explored unknown regions for the happiness of man; 
of the most able commander, that ever recorded the experi- 
ence and observation of genius, for the benefit of his succes- 
sors, and the safety of the republic, through all the tempests 
of time, the changes of men, the vicissitudes of fortune. 



PARALLEL. 345 

To the statesman, as well as to the people, it is more per- 
manently valuable than the Declaration^ for whilst the vale- 
dictory is read and reverenced, the public virtue will re- 
main uncorrupted, the public liberty secure from encroach- 
ment, the constitution safe from violation, faction will be 
rebuked into something like decency even in its prostitu- 
tions, and demagogues will tremble at the shadow of their 
own vices, lest the voice of Washington, rising as it were 
from the sepulchre, to swell the blast of the trump of liber- 
ty, should rouse the just indignation of the people, to hurl 
tliem to merited destruction. 

The merit of these two papers are invaluable and pecu- 
liar; and scarcely admit of that preference which would 
decree superiority to either. One teaches all people to 
attain freedom; the other teaches all free people how to pre- 
serve their liberties, rights and prosperity, by virtue, mo- 
deration and firmness. 

The style of composition which marks the two papers is 
admirably adapted to each, but that of the Valedictory is 
more impressive, pleasing and opulent — being more rich, 
full and flowing; whilst that of the Declaration is more con- 
cise and formal, agreeably to its character; one was the 
Corinthian, the other the Ionic temple. The style of Wash- 
ington was easy yet dignified, lofty yet familiar; that of 
Jefferson was more elaborate, learned and artificial, and 
excites more admiration than^pleasure. In their epistolary 
composition, Washington is superior, because less stiff and 
more elegant. The letters of Jefferson smell of the lamp, 
those of Washington are the graceful effusions of an ac- 
complished mind, pouring out its spontaneous riches in a 
stream of npttive eloquence, not solicitous of parade and 
display, but intent on the single purpose before him; yet so 
polished and refined as always to escape either error, or 
negligence; being chaste without labour and beautiful with- 
out art. In this respect Washington may be compared to 
Caesar, and Jefferson to Cicero; except that the former had 
less art than his Roman prototype; and the latter less elo- 
quence, though equally figurative and rhetorical. And 
here I will observe that the style of Mr. Jefferson partakes 
largely of the exuberance and fertility of his noble imagina- 
tion, while that of W^ashington seems more imbued with 
good sense and fine feeling, than vivid fancy or glowing 
sentiment; yet the power of composition, which distinguish- 



346 PARALLEL. 

ed the latter, was truly surprising for a military man, 
whose education had been so limited, and whose active 
pursuits in life had been so far removed from the studies 
of the closet, and the taste of the belles letters; a circum- 
stance, however, which denotes the extraordinary genius 
of the man, and which can alone account for that wonder- 
ful career of distinguished success which attended all his 
undertakings. 

It is to be lamented that Jefferson ever questioned the 
authorship of the Valedictory by Washington, by ascribing 
it to Hamilton and Madison; because it betrays a feeling to 
which Jefterson ought to have been superior, witliout the 
ability to substantiate the fact alleged, which is reduced to 
a pure fiction. Jefterson had enough of literary fame to 
satisfy him, without wishing to deprive his great predeces- 
sor of this wreath of his civic glory. Neither Madison nor 
Hamiltoyi ever made pretensions to any share in the merit 
of this transcendent production; which affords internal evi- 
dence that it came from the same mind, the same pen 
tliroughout; every part bearing testimony to the peculiar 
train of thinking and style for which "Washington was so 
distinguished; and which bears not the most remote affini- 
ty to any thing that ever flowed from the nervous and con- 
cise pens of Alexander Hamilton and James Madison. 

It may safely be alleged, that every hour that adds age 
and vigour to the federal government, will add glory and 
applause to this precious valedictory document; and that 
as the people daily become more enlightened and virtuous, 
more weaned from factions fomented by the passions of 
other countries, and having no connection with our own, 
tliey will also become daily converts to its sterling doc- 
trines of republican virtue, and holding it not less sacred 
than the constitution which it so beautifully expounds and 
efficiently fortifies, they will cling to it as the ark of pO' 
litical inspiration, from the true prophet of liberty. It is 
utterly impossible to appreciate this state paper beyond its 
real merits. Penetrating to the future with that extraordi- 
nary prescience that distinguished this extraordinary man, 
he has anticipated and portrayed every variety of political 
crime — every feature of depraved demagogism — every dis- 
tortion of factious lubricity, and feverish ambition, that 
could arise to debauch our liberties, or, under the specious 
professions of hollow patriotism, destroy our constitution. 



PARALLEL. 347 

No events of our history — -no eras of our partieS"-no ex- 
tended measures-^no novel policies of our country — no 
fresh complexion newly laid on by upstart demagogues, or 
frog-mire candidates— but will here be found depicted in 
their true colours, by the admonishing voice of the paternal 
Washington^ whose' purity of precept is only equalled by 
his soundness of principle; and whose jealous solicitude for 
the rights of the people has no parallel, but in the exalted 
wisdom of his care that government should act v/ithout 
impediment or obstruction, from the combinations of parties, 
or false principles of resistance, disguised under colour of 
right and freedom. 

Free governments not only being established on the virtue 
of the people, but depending for their permanency on the 
culture and preservation of their moral purity, it has ever 
been esteemed a source of great calamity, to have their 
ideas of political morality depraved by bad examples; and 
on the other hand, it has ever been thought a proportionate 
blessing when the chiefs and leaders in a popular govern- 
ment have deported themselves with a strict regard to truth, 
candour, sincerity and justice. By observing an elevated 
course of politioal morality; by never professing what there 
is no intention to fulfil; by never feigning impracticable 
reforms; and never fabricating fictitious and unfounded 
charges against antagonist parties; but always acting on the 
principle of truth, justice, and sincerity — a statesman may 
do more to cement the liberties of his country, than by a 
hundred battles, or the extermination of a thousand foes, or 
myriads of hostile invaders. This was the peculiar merit 
of George Washington; he was an honest and virtuous 
statesman; who has left in his example, as well as his pre- 
cepts, a model of public virtue, more precious to our liber- 
ties, and more calculated to ensure the permanency of our 
free institutions, than the capture of Forkloivn, or the victory 
of Saratoga. Contrasted with Washington in this feature 
of his character, Mr. Jefterson presents us with a display 
of European finesse and insincerity in his political course, 
which, as his admirer on the sound points of his mind, we 
would fain behold buried in oblivion; but which his own 
testimony has recorded on the page of history in features 
too prominent to be either overlooked, or approved. This 
is the more to be regretted, as he had so much in his power 
of a contrary nature; being so pre-eminently qualified both 



348 PARALLEL. 

bj genius and education, to exhibit to the people in the 
beautiful language of eloquence, the advantages of public 
virtue, and the true glory which attends upon a strict ad- 
herence to truth, and a rigid practice of sincerity, honesty, 
and candour, which in all ages have extorted the applause 
and veneration of mankind. By pursuing such a course, he 
would have saved his country from that deluge of foreign 
passions which infuriate factions let loose upon us; and he 
would have abstained from that fabrication of monarchical 
plots and designs, in which no sane mind could believe with- 
out supposing a weakness of reason, and a force of passion, 
wholly repugnant to his philosophical habits of enquiry and 
reflection. But, by depraving the political morality of the 
people by fiction and intrigue, he laid the foundation of 
those violent struggles of party which have gone so near 
breaking up this happy confederacy into discordant frag- 
ments, and tearing society in pieces by civil commotion, 
and factious brawls. In this respect, therefore, Washing- 
ton was the very opposite of his successor: for the former 
was truly the SOUL of honour, candour, andxRUXHi who 
never feigned what he did not feel — and never felt but at 
the impulse of honesty and justice. 

There was no one point of perfect equality between 
the external advcmtages of these two transcendant men ', 
in every position of fortune, JeiFerson being the inferior; 
nor was it possible to alter this relation of their destiny. 
When the commander in chief of the armies of a nation 
combines in himself virtue, public spirit, and splendid ge- 
nius, together with the high functions of the supreme head 
of the government, his superiority becomes too manifest to 
be disputed, if the people are universally satisfied with his 
rule; and this was in an eminent manner the case with 
Washington, who was thus compelled to shun, instead of 
coveting, the burden of public honors. The situation of Jef- 
ferson was precisely the reverse; and hence much of that 
diversity which marked their respective characters. 

Both were equally ardent, and honorably distinguished 
in their espousal of the principles of Liberty, and the De- 
claration ot Independence: — both were equally devoted to 
human rights and to human happiness, as the only just and 
rational end of all good government. At the commence- 
ment of the revolution, and up to the era of the adoption 
of the Constitution, both agreed harmoniously upon the 



PARALLEL. 349 

means necessary to ensure that object; and Mr. Jefterson 
went so far as to proclaim himself a disciple of consolida- 
tion, from which he afterwards dissented, on the power to 
incorporate a bank, and some minor points of the organic 
laws. It was the French revolution that came with an awful 
thunder-clap upon their harmony, when the banner of blood 
terrified Washington from democratic anarchy, and nerved 
the ambition of Jefferson to ride on the whirlwind and direct 
the storm. 

From the earliest date of American politics, there is no 
reason to believe that any essential difference of opinion 
existed between Washington and Jefferson, until the fer- 
ment produced by the French revolution acted so violently 
on public opinion in the United States, as to attempt io force 
an ALLIANCE with France, in the cause of Liberty, and in- 
duce a war with England, as a test of the sincerity of our 
republicanism. At this time, when we can calmly take a 
retrospection of the fallacious feelings of that era, we can 
smile with philosophical coolness at the mistaken ideas that 
then fomented illusions so gross, and led to prejudices so 
totally unfounded. It was destined, however, that tlie cool 
penetration and unperturbed sagacity of W^ashington should 
detect the true character of the sanguinary assassins of 
France, and resist all allurements, arguments, and intimi- 
dations, to become a party to the battles of European cor- 
ruption, and maintain the integrity of American policy, on 
the pure and independent basis of American principles. 
In this abstraction from the quarrels and intrigues of Eu- 
rope, Mr. Jefferson not only then concurred, but continued 
to enforce it up to the latest day of his existence; whilst, 
during his administration, he successfully parried the cross- 
thrusts of the belligerents, without resorting to war: and, 
making due allowance for his partiality to France, and his 
antipathy to England, he certainly managed to avoid hos- 
tilities with signal address, admirable management, and 
much diplomatic skill. But this is rather digressing from 
the point immediately before us. 

There was some exception, however, to this unison of 
opinion between them on minor points of national policy 
—•such as the Bank of the United States, the Funded Debt 
and the Protective System; but this variation of views did 
not beget that discordant hostility which results from colli- 
sions generated by popula i passions, and tlie inflammatory 



350 PARALLEL* 

feelings of party. On these questions of constitutional 
right, or State expediency, no passion was agitated, no 
pride wounded, no vanity ruffled, no interest blasted, no 
ambition baffled, no feeling chafed. It was a mere differ- 
ence of abstract opinion, and ended with the expression of 
dissent. Far otherwise was that generated by the question 
of the French Revolution, which caused every heart to leap, 
and every vein to swell with passion, which seized on the 
minds of the people like a raging fire, warming them with 
enthusiastic devotion towards souls of congenial liberty, 
and kindling implacable hate against all who would not 
mingle in the madness of the hour. Political friendship 
might live and flourish in the first named atmosphere of 
honest difference of opiyiion, but was wholly incompatible 
with the scorching heat of that era, whose volcanic eruptions 
of blood and anarchy threatened to sweep to destruction 
every opposing sentiment, and to immolate on the altar of 
popular vengeance, all who should dare to pause ere they 
yielded their plaudits to the blood smeared actors in the 
Tragedy of Mankiiid. Humanity would instinctively 
hesitate to contemplate the consequences. Interest would 
boldly dash into the current^ and secure the effect of popu- 
larity, by sharing in the common infatuation of the hour. 

Whether it was owing to superior felicity of fortune or 
genius, or greater power of penetrating to the final result 
of principles and events, may be doubtful; but it is certain 
that Washington was guilty of little, or no inconsistency, 
while Mr. Jefferson's course is marked by a constant suc- 
cession of fluctuating opinions and opposite views. Thus, 
we are presented in the old age of Jeflerson with the singular 
spectacle of his denunciation of the French revolution, and 
his exulting joy produced by the restoration of the Bour- 
bons! The period of this change of opinion was February 
14, 1815, which will be found tully expressed in his letter 
to Lafayette of that date; and which manifests a contra- 
diction of views, in regard to foreign politics, not less re* 
markable, than he displayed in relation to our domestic 
policy, during the course of his administration. It may be 
asked, if he is to be denied the privilege of correcting his 
opinions by the lights of history, and gaining increase of 
wisdom from the voice of time? Assuredly not. But 
our position is this, that it was the peculiar fortune of 
Washington never to miscalculate events, or to embrace 



PARALLEL. 351 

novelties as blessings, which the course of experience de- 
monstrated as calamitous and afflicting; while on the con- 
trary, it was the misfortune of Mr. Jefferson to be a perpe- 
tual victim to change, deluded by the glare of every novelty. 
It was doubly a misfortune in this instance, however, that 
Jefferson should have made so great a transition from the 
extreme of jPrenc/i liberty to the opposite extreme of Bour- 
bon despotism. 

All men are honest, frank, sincere, and free from dissi- 
mulation, when their ambition and interest, maintaining an 
even pace, leaves them under the just influence of their 
passions, on the commonly received opinions of right and 
wrong. It is only when some great and extraordinary 
object of interest, or ambition interposes, to tempt integrity 
from its high-road, that the mind begins to entangle its 
thoughts and principles into a shape the best calculated to 
attain a desired end; and insensibly loses its candour and 
sincerity in the windings of finesse and the mesches of in- 
trigue. It was unfortunate for the fame of Mr. Jefferson that 
the French revolution ever existed; and on the contrary, it 
was fortunate for "Washington that it arose to test his firm- 
ness, and illustrate his total independence and purity of 
character. It was unfortunate for Jefferson, because it 
tempted him to change the character of the statesman for 
the politician, and to stir those waters which are always 
fraught with bitterness, and too often impregnated with 
poison to him who slakes the thirst of ambition at their 
fountains. 

Washington having no motive to court the people, by 
whom he was idolised before there existed any office to con- 
fer upon him, save his military command, of no profit, of 
tast peril and doubtful honour! was frank, plain and ho- 
nest in all his opinions and dealings with the public, and 
could afford to even sacrifice his popularity to his duty. 
Nor was he only frank; he was courageously just, obsti- 
nately right, sternly honest by nature; and as it respected 
the weight of his popular infiuence, this rather required to 
be tamed, than stimulated or increased by artificial means. 
Jefferson, on the contrary, who at the bloody dawn of the 
French revolution got a glimpse of power, had to work his 
way to supreme authority, through a host of rivals, who 
were the declared friends, par excellence^ of Washington; 
and who, while they equalled, or surpassed him in civil 



S3^ PARALLEL. 

qualifications, overtopped him at that period in popular 
esteem: besides, he had but one branch of talent to move 
in, and was to depend solely on his genius, which was cer- 
tainly great; on his science, which was profound and vari- 
ous; and on his tact and management as a politician, in 
which he was excelled by none, to make his way to popular 
favour, so as to enable him to gain the Presidential Chair. 
I say, he had but one field of talent to operate in to gain 
popularity, because his philosophical attainments could not 
be appreciated by the great mass of the population; and 
however they might fix him in the esteem of tiie learned, 
they could not promote his popularity with the people. He 
was accordingly thrown on his diplomatic resources; and if 
he lost some of his sincerity in being compelled to finesse 
for the game, he had the consolation of success to reconcile 
him to the censure of honest men. Compelled, therefore, 
to resort to someof/c«_/j^«n(/?wimethodof winning the favor 
and applause of the million, he seized on the first popular 
effervescence to launch his bark upon the current; and when 
the French revolution broke out with such a buist of flame, 
such clouds of smoke, and sucli torrents of bluud, iind he 
perceived that Washington was too sternly honest, as well 
as literally sincere, even to colour his Neutral Policy with 
one aftected tinge of the gore of France, lest he should be 
swayed from his duty by the impulses of feeling — that he 
would not even pretend to feel a sympathy for our ancient 
ally in arms, when she flung herself to bathe in the ocean 
blood of liberty — 'when she got drunk with blood to vomit 
crime;' but that he remained strictly and honestly consis- 
tent, with what both Jefterson and himself believed to be 
the true policy of the nation; when Jefterson saw this, 
he discovered at a glance, that the pathway to power had at 
last opened to him, in a burst of popularity never before 
equalled; for the people, more prone to feel than to think, 
and more apt to think erroneously than right, unless they 
do feel y had embraced the cause of France, because it was 
the cause of liberty, without knowing how it might tarnish 
the faith, or injure the interest of the nation. On this occa- 
sion it was, that Jefferson began to aberrate from that high 
principle of sincerity, which reduced him to an inferiority 
to Washington, by practising on the distinction between the 
character of the politician and that of the statesman; and to 
^ct a part in the former capacity, which was inconsistent 



PARALLEL. 353 

with his principles and opinions, in the latter: for he fully 
agreed with Wasliington, that it was the true policy of the 
United States, not to involve her interests in the quarrels 
of Europe. But the flood of liberty, as it bore public opi- 
nion whirling on its bosom, was too tempting to be resisted 
either by a laudable or a prurient ambition. It opened on 
him a light somewhat analogous to the glare of military 
renown, in its bloody and ferocious beamsj that shed on his 
philosophical garments some of the reflected blaze of the 
heroes of the Guillotine and the Martyrs of Monarchy! To 
stand aloof on such a tempting crisis, would have shown a 
degree of prudery that his public character did not require j 
and which would have been as much out of place, as it 
would have been for Washington to assume the attitude of 
a demagogue, by plunging the nation into an alliance with 
France, and a wanton war against England. Their positions 
and their characters, their objects and their interests, were 
diametrically opposite. One was President, the other but 
a candidate in imagination 5 whose hopes of power at some 
future day, were but just expanding into blossom, and 
shooting forth those green buds of glory that carry so sweet 
a perfume to the heart. Yet Washington, in the same cir- 
cumstances, would not so have acted 5 for he disliked the 
glare of public lifej and always retreated from, instead of 
wooing honors; while Jefterson, though averse to public 
ceremony, exact forms, and ostentatious displays, was yet 
fond of the possession of power, and took great pleasure in 
its exercise, though opposed to its parade and display. In 
this latter quality, there was a close resemblance between 
them; for Jefferson himself informs us that all of the cere- 
monies which distinguished the administration of Washing- 
ton, were forced upon him by Colonel Humphreys and Ge- 
neral Knox, much to his own mortification, as he always had 
an invincible repugnance to public parade. 

Here again, however, we are presented with a perfect 
parallel between the conduct of Washington towards 
France, in resisting an alliance and preserving neutrality, 
and that of Jefferson, when President, in steering clear of 
any alliance with her or England, during the times of the 
paper blockades, and the Berlin and Milan decrees; which 
proves how strictly Jeft'erson imitated W^ashington, when 
placed in power, though he affected to censure him with 
such severity, when that great and pure Chief, saved us 
Ff2 



354 PARALLEL. 

from the stain of a concurrence in the bloody forms, and 
wild excesses of the French revolution: and which absti- 
nence the people sanctioned, as was shown by the election 
of John Adams, on whom had fallen the mantle of Wash- 
ington; but who so little knew how to preserve its purity 
unblemished, or to appreciate its real intrinsic virtues, in 
the spirit of the first wearer. 

But it is remarkable, that two great revolutions, the two 
greatest of modern times, and ancient history presents us 
with none similar, were the occasions of exalting Washing- 
ton and Jefferson to the Presidential chair; for it was indu- 
bitably the French revolution that opened to Jefferson the 
door of the palace, and prepared the way far his future en- 
trance. It is the more extraordinary, because Jefferson thus 
derived all the advantage of military achievements, without 
drawing a sword; his mere approbation of the civil commo- 
tion of France, having procured him the support of all its 
votaries, admirers and disciples in this country, as the vic- 
tories of Washington had done in respect to all the lovers 
of American independence. Thus, the moment that John 
Adams had abused the strong government of Washington, 
by drawing the cords too tight, which caused so powerful 
a reaction of public opinion, Jefferson stood ready, fully 
attired in the robes of liberty, to enter the Presidential 
chair, merely in virtue of his sympathy for France, bloody 
and reckless and tyrannical as she was, and without having 
changed essentially any of those principles and opinions 
which had qualified him to act in concert with Washington, 
in his cabinet, on all great national questions, with the 
exception of the Bank of the United States and the 
Funded Debt: two measures, which, although deemed 
monarchical by Jefferson, have received the deliberate 
sanction of his ultra democratic successors, Madison and 
Monroe. * 



* As late as 1813, Mr. Jefferson declared, that he held no diffe- 
rence of pohtical principle with Washington; that it was a mere dif- 
ference of sentiment or idea. He says — ' The only point in which 
he and I ever differed in opinion, was, that I had more confidence 
than he had in the natural integrity and discretion of the people, 
and in the safety and extent to which they might trust themselves 
with a control over their government. He has asseverated to me a 
thousand times his determination that the existing government 
should have a fair trial, and that in support of it he would spend the 



PARALLEL. 



555 



After all motive for finesse and management was re- 
moved by the induction of Jefterson into power, the course 
of his administration fully demonstrated this identity of 
principle and policy with that of Washington, exhibiting 
that remarkable fact, which establishes a radical difference 
of perceptions and principles between the higher order of 
politicians, and those who move with the multitude, under 
a fallacious and delusive faith in the infallibility and honesty 
of those they worship; the remarkable fact to which I make 
allusion is this: that his administration differed in no essen- 
tial point of PRINCIPLE from that of Washington; thus 
showing, that liberty as understood by the multitude, never 
can enter into the elements of government, notwithstanding 
the words, 'Democracy,' 'Freedom,' 'Equality,' may 
be rung through all their changes by leaders or dema- 
gogues, in order to deceive the people into a happy submis- 
sion to the yoke which they must bear, no matter who ad- 
ministers the laws which compel them to obedience, as the 
laws must be administered by all in the same way; and the 
Constitution is not so flexible as to admit of gross usurpa- 
tions, without exposing the outrage to popular correction. 
But Jefferson was every way favoured by fortune, as a Pre- 
sident — first, in having Washington to precede him in 
power, with whose main policy he co-operated and coincided 
in; and secondly, in having Adams to violate the Constitu- 
tion by the Alien and Sedition Laws, which brought into 
splendid contrast, the republican professions of Jefferson, 



last drop of his blood.' 'It is a mere calumny, therefore, in the 
monarchists to associate General Wsshington with their principles. 
But that may have happened in this case, wliich has been often seen 
in ordinary cases, that, by often repeating- an untruth, men come to 
believe it themselves. It is a mere artifice in this party to bolster 
themselves up on the revered name of that first of our worthies.' 
Yet Mr. Jefferson certainly orig-inated *the calumny,' and repeated 
*the untruth!' But giil this he had forgotten, when he denounced 
its author as a monarchist! 

In a letter to Mr. Madison, written in 1788, he furnishes ample 
proof, by the hig-h encomiums he passed on the * Federalist,' as * the 
best commentary on the principles of government which ever was 
written,' that he differed in no fundamental maxims from Washing- 
ton. In the same letter, too, he shows that he distrusted the people 
quite as much as Washington, for he joins Mr, Madison in deprecat- 
ing a convention to revise the Constitution, which he then so cor- 
dially approved; and indeed at no period ever condemned. 



356 PARALLEL. 

which then covered him with one dazzling and effulgent 
glow of liberty. 

Jefferson possessed another advantage over Washington, 
which gave liim an eclat with the people, out of all propor- 
tion to the real measure of their respective merits on the 
score of liberty, for no republican ever breathed more ardent 
devotion to true liberty than Washington, every fibre of 
whose heart vibrated to the wind of freedom, and beat re- 
sponsive throbs of sympathy to the Rights of Man. This 
advantage in Jefferson, was his having the ivorst President 
as his immediate predecessor. It was in fact, the vice of 
John Adams' administration, which proved so fortunate for 
Mr. Jefferson; which enabled him to relieve an oppressed 
people from the persecution of Mien and Sediti07i Laws^ 
and the burden of Excise and Stam/i Acts^ with all the 
train of evils consequent upon the total perversion of the 
government, to say nothing of the projected Union of 
Church and State, as alleged by Jefferson to be meditated 
by his predecessor, John Adams. In these particulars, Jef- 
ferson possessed many brilliant advantages over Washing- 
ton, who had no wicked administration to bring in contrast 
to his pure, virtuous and patriotic government: and it must 
be observed, that the greatest impressions are always made 
on the mass of the community, by contrasts, and not by the 
intrinsic merit of positive virtue and talent. 

An essential difference marked their various genius, in 
its active power; Washington's inclining more to repose, 
tranquillity, and acquiescence, and that of Jefferson being 
active, belligerent, revolutionary, seditious, agitating, and 
enterprising, and of course, capable of greater benefits to 
mankind. But, unfortunately, this superiority of volition 
in Jefferson was rendered in a great degree nugatory, by 
that visionary temper of his mind, which, always rioting in 
hypothesis, too often left him a victim to chimeras, when 
he ought to have been projecting jorrtc/ica/ benefits for socie- 
ty; in whicli Washington, tliough less active in intellect, 
was more fortunate and successful. 

It is not one of the least interesting traits common to 
these two illustrious men, that they should both be engaged 
at the same time in the attainment of the revolution, by 
opposite, but not less important, or less efficacious means — 
one by military movements, and the other by civil reforma- 
tions; for, while Washington was giving all the energies of 



PARALLEL. 357 

his mind to vanquish or extirpate the mercenary troops of 
Britain, Jefferson was devoting his davs and nights to pull- 
ing down the gothic strong holds ot'English judicial tyranny, 
and demolishing those feudal citadels of oppression, injus- 
tice, and superstition, which were entrenched by a system 
of laws, founded in the individual caprice of the tyrants of 
a barbarous age. By revising the civil and criminal code 
of Virginia, and substituting ordinances emanating from 
the principles of liberty, and based on the rock of equity 
and right, for laws founded in regal caprice, or military 
despotism, Mr. Jefferson rose to an elevation not inferior 
to the fame of Solon, or Lycurgus; for his success in abol- 
ishing the law of Entails'" and Primogeniture, alone, 
will forever immortalise him as a patriot, and cause him to 
be held in veneration as a philanthropist and statesman of 
the highest grade. Perhaps no country has ever before been 
so signally blessed, bv having two such great minds occu- 
pied at the same time"^ in the discharge of military and civil 
functions, so indispensable to the completion and confirma- 
tion of its liberties. 

Through every \icissitude of the revolution, destiny still 
assigned to both the most responsible stations of usefulness 
to their country; and it was a remarkable circumstance in 
their history, that while the signature of Washington is 
wanting to the Declaration of Independence, owing to his 
being at the head of the army prior to that event, that Jef- 
ferson should have been absent from the Convention which 
adopted the Constitution, under the Presidentship of the 
former. At this latter period, however, Jefferson was as 
usefully employed in his peculiar element, negociating 
loans and treaties of commerce with the powers of Europe, 
and winning for his country that moral and political weight 
of charactei-^which always attends a nation from the genius, 
learning, tact, and philosophy of its ambassadors; so that, 
in respect to the moral elevation of the United States in the 
eyes of Europe, Jefterson contributed by his talents of di- 
plomacy, and his literary acquirements, as Washington did 
at home by his military deeds and civil services. Three 
such men' as Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, and 
John Adams, representing us in Europe, would cause the 
country to be as much respected as the capture of a British 
army of ten thousand men. When John Jay returned 
from Europe, he declared that the man who stood highest 



358 PARALLEL. 

on the roll of fame, among the Americans, after Washing- 
ton, was Alexander Hamilton; so, we may add, that the 
third was Thomas Jefterson. 

It is on many accounts to be lamented, that Jefterson 
was absent from the country during the session of the Fe- 
deral Convention, and that he had not a seat in it when 
the Constitution was adopted: for it is highly probable, that 
his being away may have kindled that jealousy of its provi- 
sions, and that envy of the fame of its authors, which were 
a part of his nature, and which caused him to feel more dis- 
satisfied with their work than he otherwise would have 
been, from a pure intellectual review of its merits and de- 
fects. This is manifested by his letters, approving of all 
its provisions at the time, and suggesting tlie amendments 
which were subsequently appended to it. Had he been one 
of its authors, the croakings of his criticisms would have 
been silenced; for in that case, the discrepancy of his views 
touching the tiational bank, the funding system, and the 
rights of the States, would have been compromised, or set- 
tled and adjusted to a distinct understanding; besides, the 
force of his genius, the extent of his Icai-nlng, and the per- 
spicacity of his intellect, brought directly to bear upon the 
subject, would no doubt have suggested improvements, 
which, when not excited by the imposing dignity and im- 
portance of the occasion, would not be so likely to occur 
to him. So that, considered in any light, his presence in 
the Convention would probably have prevented all those 
party feuds which were afterwards engendered under the 
pressure, or the pretence of those discrepancies. 

A disposition prone to jealousy, and envious of others, 
seems, in some measure, natural to genius when combined 
with literature; which, as it gives birth to criticism, is sure 
to engender captiousness. Washington, exempt from these 
frailties, because not possessing the propensity that gave 
them birth, appears in a more amiable, if not a more exalted 
light than Jefterson, the controversial action of whose mind 
constantly exposed him to the influence of passions embit- 
tered by the infusion of jealous ideas, or disturbed by the 
irritation of envious feelings. Yet this jealous propensity 
had nothing abasingly little about it; for a great mind is 
only jealous of great objects; and what excited the envy 
of Jefferson would have exacted the veneration of inferior 
beings. 



PARALLEL. 359 

In another respect, this literary passion of Jefterson proved 
of serious disadvantage to his fame, by realising the excla- 
mation of the ancient prophet, ' Oh ! that mine enemy had 
written a book!' But who can resist the impulse of ge- 
nius? — who can escape the decree of destiny! It was suffi- 
cient that his mind was imbued with '- the divine fir e^ — that 
it was filled with the love of antiquity, garnished with mo- 
dern science, and fermented by the true spirit of philoso- 
phical improvement. Such being the facts, it followed al- 
most as a necessary consequence, that Jefferson should 
leave belund him a voluminous production of 'Memoirs,' 
'State Papers,' 'Anas,' 'Correspondence,' and other 
works, in which the secret thoughts of his heart were re- 
corded, his motives revealed, his springs of action con- 
fessed, and the whole moral economy of the man and the 
statesman laid bare to our view by the skilful operation of 
his own dissecting knife; and which, while it casts a glare 
of light upon the track of his political pilgrimage, for which 
history must ever stand indebted to his candour, at the 
same time enters a powerful plea of extenuation for much 
of the frailty that it unconsciously exposes. In this, Jef- 
ferson differed essentially from Washington, who, besides 
that he had no literary passion, or ambition to gratify, had 
no secret history to endite. It is our peculiar genius that 
creates the necessity for its exercise, or makes the meat it 
feeds on. Jefferson was scientific, inventive, literary; 
hence he was led into theories; these seduced him to simu- 
lation; hypotheses gave birth to plots and schemes, which 
all required literary talent and tact to conceal, shadow, 
expand, manage, direct, digest, and eventually explain, 
reconcile, harmonise, excuse, palliate or justify. Washing- 
ton, if he was destitute of the charms and flowers and graces 
of mere literature, or philosophy, was of course without 
the schemes it engenders, and free from the intrigues that 
mark the career of the profound theorist and speculator. 
Above the entanglements of party — exempt from the 
mesches of personal politics, and exalted above the schemes 
and plots of rivals, he had no history of his heart to reveal^ 
distinct from the history of his country — he had used no 
management to explain away, and devised no plots to be 
cleared up — he had inflicted no wounds on the reputations 
of others, whose smartings called for balm to be poured 
into them before they would close and heal. Thus, if he 



360 PARALLEL* 

left no volumes to record his own glory of private genius 
by his own pen, he left no deeds that might obscure that 
glory, by the efforts used to palliate, excuse, or defend 
them. If, therefore, as a philosopher and an author, Wash- 
ington left no works behind him, the disadvantage is more 
than made up by his single hearted sincerity, and honoura- 
ble confidence, which never suspected depravity of another, 
never designed evil to those around him, and never recorded 
the poisonous whisperings of any against the fame and in- 
tegrity of his friends. 

It must not be understood, however, that I mean to dis- 
parage those beautiful productions of the pen of Washing- 
ton, which, in the form of his ' Valedictory,' of his let- 
ters, of his MESSAGES, and other public documents, carry 
about them all those native charms of style, and unaffected 
elegance of composition, which, without being laboured, 
always please, and without foppishness, always shine: con- 
genial to the character of their author, combining majesty 
with grace, and uniting elegance to manly vigour. 

The minds of both were constructed on the heroic model; 
soaring to great ideas, and rejecting all that was grovelling 
or derogatory, while the circle of their perceptions was as 
unlimited as the range of their thoughts, and as universal 
as the bounds of science. The mind of Jeff*erson, however, 
was made up more artificially from the stores of learning 5 
while that of Washington was replete with the spontaneous 
riches of an exuberant and creating genius, sprouting into 
verdure, buds, and blossoms, whenever touched by the 
dews of reflection, or warmed by the vivid glow of duty, 
excitement, patriotism, or glory. 

The nice shades of diff*erence, and beautiful diversity 
existing between two illustrious minds, constitutes the most 
pleasing theme of history; and while it prompts us to bow 
to the majesty of virtue, which shines forth in the character 
of Washington, it extorts no less reverence and admiration 
for the colossal frame of the intellect of Jefferson; which 
was evidently organised on a system of more exact science, 
and purer ratiocination, than that of the first President. 
The propensity of Jeff*erson was to the closet, to deep re- 
search, pure science, profound metaphysics, elaborate phi- 
losophy, strict analysis, undaunted reason, mixed with a 
chastened but vivid imagination, rife with creations, but 
never rioting in profuse fertility. Jefferson was all per- 



, PARALLEL. 361 

spicacity, acuteness, system, principle, resting on the regu- 
lar gradation of abstract truth, branching out into beautiful, 
and often fanciful theories, such as we behold in his Notes 
071 Virginia^ connected with the improvement and happi- 
ness of mankind, and directed to the perfectability of free 
government and the human mind. Yet his literary in- 
tegrity was not encircled, like that of Washington, by the 
splendour of unvaried truth; and his propensity to mystiji' 
cation, too often obscured his meaning, enveloped his senti- 
ments in doubt, and curtained, amidst clouds of sophistry, 
the real features of his opinions. This defect probably 
arose from the perversion of the moral faculty caused 
originally by his study and practice of law, and afterwards 
confirmed by the habits of equivocation, subterfuge and 
finesse, incident to the science and art of diplomacy; for 
a negociator is but a lawyer pleading with nations, reserv- 
ing points for equivocation, and retreating behind verbal 
distinctions, to escape the award of truth, or the mortifi- 
cation of confessing to injustice. On the contrary, the 
intellect of Washington resembled the pure azure of the 
heavens, which sparkled with truth, and was undimned by 
a cloud; and yet in force, in art, in finesse, in imagination, 
in science, was inferior, on the whole, to that of the sage 
of Monticello. Though not irregular, or eccentric, it was 
more desultory and less classical than that of Jefferson; it 
was self -formed^ had not been so strictly disciplined by a 
rigid education, and was more made up from observation, 
experience, living wisdom and actual knowledge of the 
world. Although capable of great volition and pregnant 
with vast ideas, the leading trait of his mind was the un- 
mixed gravity of wisdom, the dignified conception of truth, 
the lofty contemplation of principles self-evidently true, 
or established by facts, on the system of Bacon's philoso- 
phy of induction; so that he was inferior to Jefferson in 
that vivacity of imagination which caused that philosopher 
to sport so often on the wings of speculation, theory, and 
abstract systems. In this consisted the great difference 
between them. Had Jefferson been educated to war, he 
would have made a very enterprising, but not a safe gene- 
ral; and had Washington devoted his mind to philosophy, 
he would have rejected all error, however specious or bril- 
liant, and established on a foundation not to be shaken, the 
inductive philosophy of Bacon, where the apex of theory 



363 PARALLEL* 

should tower, like the pyramids of Egypt, gradually from 
the expansive base of facts, in all the beauty and grandeur 
of indestructible truth. 

Washington was magnanimous and unsuspecting, be- 
cause intrepid, honest and fearless. Jefferson rather in- 
clined to the opposite qualities, for he was deficient in that 
high degree of physical as well as moral courage that we 
look for in great men, as well as suspicious, for he seems 
to have been really of the belief that his opponents desired 
to overturn the republic, and erect on its ruins the splen- 
dours of monarchy^ a belief so monstrous as to class itself 
among the most gross infatuations of the bewildered fana- 
ticks of any age. And here I must remark a contradiction 
in Jefferson's philosophy, which did not tend to elevate 
him above his illustrious model 3 for with all his vigour of 
reason, he fell into the weakness of politiccd fanaticism, if 
he was sincere in his suspicions of monarchical designs on 
the part of Hamilton and Adams ^ and if he only affected 
that belief for joar/?/ purposes^ he became equally culpable 
on another score. Yet in politics, he was, at all periods 
of his life, inclined to politiccd fanaticism, consulting pas- 
sion instead of reason, and looking to monstrous crimes in 
his opponents with a full belief, without reference to mo- 
tive, object, or consequences. Credulity ought not to have 
led him to keep a journcd of slanderous imputations against 
the first patriots of the republic, nor ought passion to have 
stamped such atrocious aspersions with the hue of proba- 
bility. This political yVmw/rtcism could not be ascribed to 
his ambition, for he retained its weakness to the day of his 
death, and when he was induced to acquit John Adams of 
all designs of monarchy, he was still ready to lay the same 
treason at the door of Pickering. Now Washington was 
too truly philosophical to fall into i\\\^ fanaticism; \\e never 
believed the plot of monarchy, and Jefferson did not crimi- 
nate him for his scepticism! Why? Because Jefferson 
did not believe it to the conviction of his reason, and never 
adduced the charge, but in moments of political excite- 
ment, vf\\^n passion, not judgment, stood at the helm; and 
when at a loss for a reason to justify his political dislikes 
and antipathies, he could, in an ad-captandum way, allege 
the plot of monarchy, which, like the old cabalistic terms 
of faction in Great Britain, silenced all opposition, and 
superceded all argument, by the cry of ' Popery! Popery 1 
Popery!" 



PARALLEL. oDo 

I repeat, that when compared to Jefferson, on this score, 
Washington rises to a decided superiority; for he was even 
more exposed than the former, to all those temptations 
which shake reason from her centre, to the weakness of 
political fanatacismi He was more exposed in 1793, dur- 
ing the French revolution, and might, with equal reason, 
have charged the democrats with Jacobinical designs, but 
he did not; he knew their motives to be pure, and though 
his well-poised mind would not permit him to fall into the 
popular enthusiasm for French liberty, still he favoured 
her revolution, up to the time when it became dangerous to 
the peace of the country to give it positive encouragement; 
and if he warned the people against the perils of self-created 
societies, 'his candour proved his conviction of their honesty, 
as it showed the obligation of duty, under which he thought 
he was acting in making the admonishment. 

As the father of the protective system to American manu- 
factures, to Washington belongs the exclusive merit of 
founding that system, which has so exuberantly contributed 
to the wealth, vigour and resources of the country; while 
to Jefferson belongs whatever merit may attach to the doc- 
trines oi free-trade, connected with the principles of State 
rights^ as an agent by which to resist the protective policy. 
Yet, in some measure, Mr. Jefferson's domestic system of 
non-intercourse with foreign nations, involves the principle 
of encouragement of home industry, without a resort to 
protective revenue. This system of protection, as one of 
the collateral branches of 7iationcd independence, received 
the decided approbation of Washington, as a prominent 
feature of the federal policy, naturally growing out of the 
Constitution, and formed a prominent object of contention 
between the two chiefs, Hamilton reporting in favour of 
protection, and sustained by Congress; and Jefferson, sus- 
tained by Madison, reporting for general free trade, and 
partial protection, as a measure of retaliation only, but 
never sustained by Congress. So that, when we contrast 
this part of their policy, that of Washington, as it respects 
the wealth of the nation, is superior; while that of Jeffer- 
son, as it respects the local interests and individual liber- 
ties of the States, has its peculiar merit. But here, as in 
every other difference between them, the policy of Wash- 
ington was of great practical utility to his country, and 
that of Jefferson of great theoretical freedom. Washington 



364 PARALLEL. 

was exceedingly wise, or uncommonly fortunate, for what- 
ever be patronised, or projected, contributed to swell the 
prosperity and affluence of the country^ while the systems 
of Jefferson, though more refined and metaphysical, rather 
retarded, or were calculated to retard, or arrest, the 
growth and wealth of the nation. 

Thus his domestic system — his Chinese policy — his non- 
intercourse — his abstraction of the republic from the com- 
merce of the world, all tended to produce the opposite 
effects of that expansive and liberal policy of commerce and 
manufactures, which stamped the administration of George 
Washington with the bold, magnificent and colossal fea- 
tures of American genius, industry and enterprize. 

On the other hand, Jefferson's genius shines forth in his 
favourite system of a frugal government — small revenue — 
limited expenditures — no taxes — no public debt — no super- 
fluity of public officers — no internal improvements, so that 
power may be kept down to the standard of pure republi- 
can symplicity; prefering poverty with freedom, to opu- 
lence under the temptation of losing it; stinting the growth 
of the nation, in order to preserve it from the perils of cor- 
ruption. For this system Jefferson was highly extolled by 
his admirers; yet it seems inconsistent with his predomi- 
nant notion of the perfectability of man, and his daily- 
march to improvement, which would rather suggest the 
expansion of the government functions in proportion to the 
growth of the country, than the contraction of its prosperity 
to the ancient measure of its original organic limitations. 
Thus 'economy,' * economy,' was the cry of Jefferson; 
commerce, revenue, prosperity and improvement, was the 
motto of the Washington cabinet; the latter has prevailed 
in practice — the former is only heard in theory; the coun- 
try has expanded, the policy of Washington has prevailed 
through all administrations under the appellation of ule- 
mocracy,^ and the special magic of the powerful name of 
J efferson ! 

Both were ambitious; but they differed as much in their 
ambition, as in the other passions of their minds, that of 
Washington being inflexibly directed to the performance of 
just actions, indifferent of praise or censure; and that of 
Jefferson, being directed to just actions, with, an immediate 
view to popular applause, the appetite for which formed at 
once the great feature, as it proved the only vice of his public 



PARALLEL. 365 

character, if it can be said to have had a vice. It cannot 
be dissembled that the ambition of Jefferson, although pure 
and moderate, was yet diluted, if not turned from its noblest 
channel, bj that weak benevolence which covets universal 
praise, which caused him to tremble at the whisperings of 
censure, and inclined him too often to compromise his 
principles and opinions, in order to avert criticism, or 
escape controversy and condemnation. When he retired 
from the cabinet of General Washington, he alleged to 
that chief, as the leading cause of his resignation, the pain 
it gave him to be among aristocrats, who viewed him with a 
glance of hatred, or surveyed him with the leer of scorn, 
instead of returning hate for hate, and scorn for scorn, 
which the goodness of his heart would not allow. He also 
spoke of the public papers, in a manner that betrayed the 
anguish which their censure inflicted, by an acrimonious 
denunciation of their licentiousness; instead of being satis- 
fied with the approbation of the President, and the voice 
of a self-applauding conscience. There is reason too, to 
believe, that his conciliatory phrase, ' we are all republi- 
cans — we are all federalists,' had its source in this defi. 
ciency of moral courage; which, however, is always more 
or less allied to benevolence, and the amiable weaknesses of 
our nature. So that, after all, this defect of character carr 
ried with it a beauty, which did not shine so conspicuously 
in Washington, who was too lofty to be merely amiable, 
and too stern to be actively benevolent; and whose ambition 
was so chastened down to a passive and exalted form, as 
to be wholly indifferent to immediate gratification, partak- 
ing of that comparative repose which always characterises 
gigantic natures. True, he was not insensible to the cen^ 
sure or praise of men, for he felt reproach acutely, but he 
could endure it and depise it, and sought not by concessions 
to avert or mollify it; and he did endure reproof and con- 
demnation, for the sake of final and future encomium, re- 
nown and glory. His whole career, throughout the revo- 
lution, was a sacrifice of present praise, and an endurance 
of unjust obloquy and sarcasm, for the sake of his country 
—^^or the sake of final glory; and here he realised the highest 
fortitude and greatness of the human soul; for it was the 
safety of the republic which sealed his lips as to the cause 
of his abstaining from battle, and reconciled him to bear 

Gg2 



366 PARALLEL. 

the most cutting reproaches, equally derogatory to his 
honour and patriotism. 

Jefferson, endowed with a more delicate sensibility, and 
a softer shade of character, presents us with less inflexible 
and courageous traits of mind, being eager to snatch the 
applause of the moment, and ever alive to the task of avert- 
ing censure and deprecating condemnation, without looking 
to the grand result of his actions, when the time should 
come for settling the true sum of his glory — at the period of 
calmjudgment,when the passions, laid asleep by time, would 
permit the verdict of reason to be heard and recorded, un- 
mixed with prejudice, interest, or excitement. For, after 
all, to that period must all living fame be referred for just 
and final adjudication. But this seems to have been impos- 
sible to Mr. Jefferson, who was evidently endow^ed with a 
quicker sensibility than Washington; not, perhaps, a greater 
sum of it, but a greater susceptibility of excitement; and 
one reason of this difference between them is to be found in 
the fact, of the greatness of Washington having operated 
upon Jefferson as a sort of exampler to glory, inspiring him 
with an emulation of greatness, and whetting his appetite 
for distinction; which always produces more or less of that 
nervous anxiety for the issue, which ever attends an intense 
desire of success. That this kind of emulation was deeply 
seated in his mind, he has himself told us, in a letter to his 
grandson, where he thus expresses himself: "I had the good 
fortune to become acquainted very early with some charac- 
ters of very high standing, and to feel the incessant ivish that 
I could ever become ivhat they loereP No doubt but he had 
this same feeling in relation to Washington, whose superior 
renown operated on his mind to produce the twin passions 
of emulation and envy; and thus to make him as morbidly 
sensitive to abuse, or censure, as he was anxiously covetous 
of approbation and encomium. It was the repulsion between 
his ambition and his benevolence, that naturally reduced the 
tone of his moral courage, and deprived'him of some portion 
of that tenacity of principle and opinion, which forms so 
bold a feature in the character of greatness, and M'ithout 
which it exhibits a deficiency of what is essential to firmness 
of purpose, consistency of principle, and fidelity to profes- 
sions, as well as that true dignity of mind, which is itself a 
virtue, and which bears about it such an indescribable charm 
and beauty, that it wins universal admiration and esteem. 



PARALLEL. 367 

Nor is this quality incompatible witk a due deference for 
the opinions of others; on the contrary, it implies the right 
of freedom of opinion to all, and extends no further than to 
insist on our own right, while we grant the same liberty to 
those who differ from us. No man was further elevated 
above all thoughts of proscribing freedom of opinion than 
Washington; yet he always maintained his principles with 
firmness, defended them with zeal, and practised them 
with energy. 

There are many acts of his life which seem to impress 
the idea, that he possessed moral courage in its greatest 
extent, especially his authorship of the Declaratioii of Inde- 
pendence; which long perplexed me to decide on those other 
events of his life, which denoted a deficiency of that great 
quality. But it must be remembered, that the most timid 
men will act with apparent courage and decision when their 
individuality is lost, or obscured in the general responsibi- 
lity of a public body; and that Mr. Jefferson, as one of a 
committee of Congress^ would have moral courage to com- 
pose the Declaration for that committee and that Congress , 
which would entirely fail him when placed to the score of 
his own personal account. So it was with the reform of the 
Civil and Criminal Code of Virginia^ when he expunged 
the laws of Primogeniture and Entail, and that which 
bound the mind to religious observances — ^lie acted as one 
of a Committee, and thus avoided individual responsibility 
for the obnoxiousness of the act. 

It must not, however, be understood, that I mean to 
deny to Mr. Jefferson all moral courage; for he possessed 
and displayed it on some occasions to a considerable ex- 
tent; but did not manifest it on so great a scale as to qua- 
lify him for those striking deeds which constitute heroism 
of character. 

In accordance \vith this temper of his mind, he never 
ventured on any measure that could excite the discord of 
his cabinet, or bring him in collision with the heads of de- 
partments; to whose opinions, promises and arrangements, 
he even sacrificed his own pledges, and, on some occasions, 
his own convictions. This disposition made him skilful in the 
practice of evasion, equivocation, and sometimes of duplicity. 

When we contemplate the productions of Mr. Jefferson's 
pen, he does not appear so wanting in moral courage, as 
when we compare his actions in public life, with his theories 



368 PARALLEL. 

on paper: yet even his correspondence exhibits a perpetual 
desire to explain, harmonise and reconcile points of discre- 
pancy, which are obviously too discordant ever to admit of 
concord. Thus, what he had condemned Mr. Adams for in 
1798, and politically counteracted in 1801, he absolves him 
from in 1813, in order to consummate a reconciliation | and 
by a method which was as easy in 1801, or '98, as in 1813, 
that is, by shifting off the responsibility from Mr. Adams, 
071 his cabinet, for all his pernicious and obnoxious acts, 
leaving to him only the responsibility of all his good mea- 
sures, a species of sophistication which Mr. Jefferson must 
have been fully sensible of, at the very time that he- coni' 
mitted it. 

Washington was more fortunate, at least, if not more 
highly endowed. He had no opinions to modify, no political 
antipathies to explain, no party quarrels to reconcile! no re- 
sponsibility to shift from one agent to another, in order to 
escape the pangs of controversy, or the shock of contradic- 
tion, which always carried horror and dismay to Mr. Jef^ 
ferson; who, even on the topic of religion, where he was 
apparently most dauntless, shrunk from the publicity of 
his opinions, always enjoining secrecy on his correspond- 
ents, and ever indulging in lamentations, because his con- 
fidence was betrayed! He was evidently afraid of the 
clergy; but when he found the clergy did not attack him, 
he returned to the charge, and made another conjidential 
attack on the clergy. 

It was unfortunate for Mr. Jefferson, that his peculiar 
position having excited and developed a propensity to agi- 
tate all questions as a politician, instead of composing dif- 
ferences of opinion, that it should have led to establish a 
corresponding habit of his mind as a statesman, to unsettle 
all principles of government, in direct opposition to the con- 
trary temper of Washington, whose object appears to have 
been to settle and establish the government, its principles, 
its powers, and its functions on a foundation of permanency 
not to be shaken by doubts, or overturned by sedition as 
well as to concentrate public opinion to this point. To have 
government established on a solid basis, where its principles 
secure equal freedom and happiness to the people, seems 
infinitely preferable to its perpetual oscillation and the 
continued agitation of its powers without bringing the dis- 
cussion to a practicable issue or a more beneficial practice. 



PARALLEL. - 369 

It was unfortunate for Jefferson, that he bequeathed as a 
legacy to the people, doubts never to be dispelled by con- 
troversy, and broached principles that, while they cannot 
add to liberty or happiness, interrupt the calm enjoyment 
of both, by inspiring fallacious hopes and visionary dreams 
of political bliss, that never can be realised under a system 
of civil law, and a voluntary Constitution. Viewed in his 
character of agitator^ Mr. Jefferson sinks to an inferiority 
to Washington, which we cannot but deplore, as not only 
unnecessary in a country which enjoyed the maxi'inuin of 
liberty, but as derogatory to his elevated character as a 
statesman, and his rational dignity as a philosopher. What 
more can government give than an eqicality of right and 
happiness to every citizen? In vain would sophistry labour 
to disguise the fact, that by pursuing this course, Mr. Jef- 
ferson has proved the founder of a school of agitators, who, 
without having for their object any tangible measure of na- 
tional good, were prodigal of professions of liberty that 
meant nothing, and unceasing in exciting the people against 
chimerical grievances and unfounded wrongs; the fallacy of 
which being constantly liable to detection, created a kind 
of moral necessity for deceit; thus creating what their foun- 
der never intended, a distinct class of political demagogues, 
who in a free country had the audacity to proclaim to the 
people that they were slaves, in order that in virtue of the 
deceit, they might ride into office, on their credulity and 
fanaticism. On this point Washington was far above his 
successor; for he was only solicitous to secure to the go- 
vernment the faithful exercise of its legitimate powers; and 
to conciliate and confirm public opinion in support of a sys- 
tem, based on the rights of man, and operating to protect 
the property and promote the happiness of every republican, 
who could boast of the title of ' citizen,'^ In a despotic 
government, the merit of Mr. Jefferson's conduct would 
have been transcendent; but under a free Constitution, 
w^hich dispensed even a prodigal measure of liberty to all, 
it was mischievous, as well as unmeaning, and led to those 
turbulent associations and clubs, which fermenting by the 
imported passions of Paris, Dublin and London, had to re- 
sort to the wretched fiction of a plot of monarchy, in order 
to give plausibility to the wild chimera, wliich formed the 
ground-work of their tesselated party. 

All differences of opinion that ever existed between these 



370 PARALLEL. 

great men, appear at various periods, to have been recon- 
ciled, removed, or superceded bj coincident sentiments, or 
waivers of the question, on the part of Mr. Jeftersonj so that 
in the end, it would appear really difficult to tell, whether 
he, or Mr. Adams, had been the author of the Alien and 
Sedition laws, or the father of the State Rights doctrine. 

The same remark will apply to Jefterson and Washing- 
ton 5 but here there was not the same reason for hostile views 
or political hatred, and of course, no difficulty of reconcilia- 
tion, even under the fanatical charge of monarchical de- 
signs alleged against him^ for the allegation not being sin- 
cere, the recantation cost nothing. 

The moment that Jefferson commenced acting in a mili- 
tary capacity as Governor of Virginia, he bowed at once 
with reverence and affection to the acknowledged supre- 
macy of the genius of Washington, and joined in the uni- 
versal sentiment of veneration which at all times attached 
to the person and character of the great chief. Personally 
and politically intimate, as they were, at a subsequent 
period, wlien tlie glory of Washington was in its full blos- 
som, it is scarcely possible that they should ever have che- 
rished a misunderstanding of the genius and motives of one 
another: and once conceding the point of mutual patriotism 
and integrity, in which belief both were sincere, it is incon- 
ceivable that difference of opinion should have led to an 
alienation of friendship. Rivalry could not enter between 
men of such dissimilar genius, at least not on the part of 
Washington; and although it is possible that Jefferson may 
sometimes have contemplated the fame of the former with 
a jealous feeling, yet the object of his emulation was too 
highly exalted in glory and power, to permit any permanent 
emotions of envy to take root in his bosom. The attempt 
to pull him down, therefore, by Frenau, Callender, Bache, 
and Duane, was soon abandoned; for it was quickly found 
to react against themselves: it was the Lilliputians attempt- 
ing to bind Gulliver, to use a favorite comparison of Mr. 
Jefferson, and overwhelmed them in disgrace, for having 
attempted to destroy a man whose virtues made him inde- 
structible. 

Although it is more a circumstance of fortune than a trait 
of individual merit, yet Jefferson possessed an advantage 
over Washington in having the sympathies of his nature 
fully developed by the parental affections. A man, in ge^ 



PARALLEL. 371 

ileral, who has no children, is but an imperfect being, de- 
fective in the noblest and most amiable feelings of the 
heart. Had Washington been a father, he might have been 
less austere^ but he could not have been more virtuous j he 
might have been more amiable and accessible, but not more 
benevolent. This circumstance threw a softer and warmer 
colouring over the character of Jefferson, which displayed 
him to advantage, when contrasted with the cold and repul- 
sive dignity of Washington; but, perhaps the want of pro- 
geny in the latter, caused no material reduction in the 
splendour of his character, or the perfection of his heart 
and mind; as he seemed to have been in so great a degree 
elevated above the common failings and weaknesses of our 
nature; yet to Jefferson, this circumstance must have been 
highly favourable to the bland and amiable cast of his tern* 
perament, inclining him to affection, benignity, and friend- 
ship. 

As a statesman, the palm of superiority must certainly 
be awarded to Washington, who gave the flesh and muscle, 
and animation of practice, to the new theoretical skeleton 
of an untried constitution; and whose execution of it being 
afterwards confirmed by all his successors, attested to its 
wisdom; for the few exceptions^ in which they departed 
from his precedents, were so immaterial, as not to constitute 
a difference of judgment as to the main policy of the na- 
tion. Mr. Adams' misrule is always to be considered as 
anomalous; and when we compare Mr. Jefferson's policy 
of the anti- commercial system, with that of his successors, 
his was in that respect likewise anomalous. Mr. Adams' 
precedent misrule, was unfavourable to the full displaj^ of 
Mr. Jefferson's statesmanship, as it gave him a propensity 
to ultraism, or a radical policy, too much in the extreme of 
his views; but this was corrected by his successors, and 
commerce was reinstated in her just rights. 

In comparing their peculiar merits as statesmen, we 
ought of course to include the views and doctrines of each, 
in relation to the Constitution, and the extent of its powers 
over the States. And here Washington shines in the lus- 
tre of transcendent superiority, not so much because he 
manifested superior talents, as superior rectitude and con- 
sistency. As the father of the Constitution, we have seen 
W^ashington stimulate the States, and appeal to the people, 
for its formation, on the broad ground of giving efficiency 



372 PARALLEL. 

and vigour to the general government, as a fundamental 
desideratum. We have seen him preside and act in the 
CONVENTION of delegates, during their deliberations, when 
the only question was, shall the United States possess 

the CONTROLING POWER of a SUPREME GOVERNMENT? and 

when, in answer to that question, the controling power was 
distinctly invested in the general government, subject only 
to the limitations imposed by the Constitution! We have 
seen the States individually pause upon its adoption, on the 
broad ground of the expediency of parting with this specific 
portion of their sovereignty, previous to their ratification of 
its provisions. We have seen Washington devote his days 
and nights to the obtainment of a constitution that would 
vest in the Union powers of sufficient energy to all the pur- 
poses of national supremacy, independent of the mere will 
and consent of the States, and superceding the right of their 
veto, non-concurrence, or reluctant and tardy compliance. 
We have seen such a constitution framed and adopted^ we 
have seen Washington chosen to carry it into execution, 
with a special reference to his qualifications, to give it a 
practical shape corresponding to his ideas of energy, and 
to the inherent virtues of the instrument, to supply that 
energy. We have seen him accomplish that object, with- 
out exciting the opposition of any one State, or producing 
a murmur of discontent, grounded on the suspicion of hav- 
ing transcended the powers lodged in the government by 
the Constitution. We have seen all his cotemporaries con- 
cur in and sanction this course of exalted patriotism and 
political virtue; thus presenting a consistent career of in- 
variable views in relation to Constitutioncd law, which com- 
mands our reverence for his wisdom as a statesman, and 
extorts our applause for his integrity as a politician, demon- 
strating his sagacity to have been unequalled and his 
honesty incorruptible. 

Contrasted with this attitude of unalterable advocacy of 
a controling power in the Union, Mr. Jefterson is dis- 
tinguished for a fickleness of opinion, which leaves him 
deficient in that stability of character, which we naturally 
expect from one of his complete education and profound 
legal acquirements. He had studied the Constitution in 
Paris, and had avowed himself a federalist; he had studied 
it at home, and his approbation of it continued unaltered; 
he came into the new government to administer it, and still 



PARALLEL. 373 

asseverated that the Constitutioi;! was perfect, and intended 
for absolute federal power within the limits of the authori- 
ties delegated. Nor did he change his opinion until he 
saw that the presidency was within his grasp, and yet that 
others, more specially patronised by Washington, had the 
best chance of plucking the golden fruit. This develope- 
ment of ambition being coincident to the era of the French 
reA'olution, caused Mr. Jefferson to rally a party under the 
flaunting banner of State rights and French liberty; even 
then, however, conceding a controling attribute to the go* 
vernment of the Union; for it was not until the epoch of 
the ALIEN and sedition laws, that he reached the verge of 
ultra-democracy in the promulgation of nullification doc- 
trines, subversive of that controling virtue of the Union, 
which, at an anterior date, he had admitted as the legiti- 
mate line of federal power. Yet, even on this point, he 
was rather doubtful than heterodox, inclining more to theo- 
retical, and always deprecating practical nullification, and 
evincing more of the character of a visionary, than an ultra. 
This want of stability, however, was a source of serious 
disparagement to him as a statesman, which gave to Wash- 
ington every advantage which attends upon a consistent and 
lofty course of action, unvaried by times, uninfluenced by 
circumstances. Indeed, Jefferson's frequent change of senti- 
ment in respect to the Constitution, has even confused his 
disciples, who are yet undetermined whether to range them- 
selves as federalists, or rally as democrats. As late as 1813, 
in a letter to Melish, he declares that — ' The party called 
republican is steadily for the support of the present con- 
stitution. They obtained, at the commencement, all the 
amendments to it they desired. These reconciled themselves 
to it perfectly, and if they have any ulterior view, it is only, 
perhaps, to joojow/rtme it further ,hy shortening the senatorial 
term, and devising a process for the responsibility of jiidfres, 
more practicable than that of impeachment.* In these few 
lines more doubt, instability, and contradiction obtains, 
than is to be discovered in the entire course of Washing- 
ton's life, and certainly indicate a looseness of views not 
altogether reconcilable to our ideas of a first rate states- 
man. In looking for the cause of this oscillation, we 
must advert to the unfortunate position he assumed of ultra- 
liberty, which almost necessarily forced him into visionary 
ideas of government, on the one hand, and of derojiatory 

H h 



574 PARALLEL* 

imputations against the antagonist party on the other; and 
it was still more unfortunate that he should live to see his- 
tory record the fallacy of all his promised views of ulterior 
good, as well as the falsity of all his predictions of a mon- 
archical evil, made for the purpose of throwing into odious 
contrast the character of the adverse party. The felicity 
of position, on the contrary, occupied by Washington, 
saved him from all those tortious paths which fictitious 
devices compel a resort to; so that his course, as a states- 
man, was uniform, consistent, honest, unchangeable and 
enlightened, based on practicable principles, and profess- 
ing to do no more than what was fully warranted by the 
obvious letter, and defined powers of the Constitution. 

In the bold and striking achievements of his administra- 
tion, however, Jefferson approached very near to the great- 
ness of Washington. The acquisition of Louisiana, which 
doubled the domains of the republic, was a master-stroke 
of statesmanship, an enlargement of empire by a movement 
of diplomacy, a bloodless victory, attended by all the con- 
sequences of a martial triumph through fields of carnage; 
and the credit of it was certainly very distinguished and 
remarkable: in his ordinary negociations, however, he does 
not appear to have been so successful. 

The statesmanship of Washington commenced long prior 
to his filling the presidential chair; and the very day that 
he accepted the station of commander in chief was he com- 
pelled to devote his attention to those civil and political 
movements on which depended the eflicient organization of 
the army. The loose texture of the old confederation, impos- 
ed upon him the arduous duties of a supreme magistrate. His 
elaborate correspondence with the Congress displays those 
high civil attributes which mark the eminent statesman, 
and exceed in bulk and difficulty the duties of a President 
under the federal union; whilst his letters to the States 
manifest that enlarged, vigilant and profound view of the 
national relations, that admit of no scope for rivalry or 
competition* Acting at once as the promptor to Congress 
— as the guardian of the confederacy — as the stimulator 
and exhorter of the States— as commander of the army, 
and the parent of the people, it excites unqualified admira- 
tion at the prodigious extent of his talents, the fecundity 
of his genius, the solidity of his judgment, the abundance 
of his resources; and in fine of all those qualities which 



PARALLEL. 375 

contribute to form the active, practical and consummate 
STATESMAN. And it was this immense stock of reputation^ 
as a civil magistrate, that he brought into view of public 
opinion, when it concentrated with spontaneous enthusiasm 
upon his name as the first President under the Federal 
Constitution. It was not the eclat of his military deeds, 
which pointed all minds towards him as the man pre-emi- 
nently qualified to administer the civil functions of a new 
government, in a crisis of unexampled peril to the liberties 
of the people, and the safety of the country; but his es- 
tablished fame as a statesman, his resplendent labours as 
a legislator, and an executive, as one who could give effi- 
cient motion to the immense machine of government, di- 
recting its energies to the proper objects, and even origi- 
nating and maturing the laws necessary for the general 
welfare, and indispensable to the common defence. As a 
statesman, therefore, Washington rises to the highest point 
of glory and of greatness. 

The superiority of Washington's statesmanship seems to 
be shown in the peculiar adaptation of his policy to the 
special object of the Federal Constitution, which was the 
vigor and efficiency of the government, in contradistinction 
to the laxity of principle and looseness of the parts in the 
old confederacy. Let us suppose that Mr. Jeiferson had 
been chosen to carry into practice the first experiment of 
the government, instead of Washington, and that he had 
applied his system of State rights and popular interference 
to the new machine which the Federal Convention had just 
placed in the hands of the Executive.^ Is it not self-evi- 
dent, that, for want of vigour and energy, the Constitution 
'would have crumbled to pieces in his hands, and left him 
in possession only of the fragments of the old confederacy? 
For that is certainly the true system of the government 
which fulfils its great ends; and that, of course, must be 
the spurious doctrine which baffles and defeats the object 
had in view by those who framed it.^ The dift'erence in the 
crisis, and the remote stages of the two administrations, 
cannot affect the principle. A government of laws must 
have the principle of energy and coercion; and it was the 
concentration of this energy in a federal government which 
the Convention gave, and which, to carry out into perfec- 
tion, induced the Washington policy. It does appear, 
therefore, that Mr. Jeffefferson's was anomalous, and not 



376 PARALLEL. 

congenial to the Constitution, but a policy formed in ac- 
cordance with the constant and livino; current of /io/)w/ar 
opinion, a policy for the people, not for the Constitution; 
a policy framed to gain popularity, not to cement, fulfil 
or consummate the fabric and purposes of government. It 
appears, therefore, to be rather the policy of the politician 
than the policy of the statesman — the legislator — the law- 
giver or the patriot, who looks beyond the bounds of pre- 
sent praise, to the final consequences of civilization and 
liberty. Yet even this anomalous policy of Mr. Jefferson, 
so far from being incompatible with human happiness and 
permanent freedom, is admirably calculated to secure those 
objects, provided the people are sufficiently virtuous to 
be governed by opinioti instead of law! It implies, in the 
people, the highest perfection of virtue and intelligence^ 
and leaving nothing to coercion, leaves the safety of society 
at the mercy of their discretion, wisdom, prudence and vir- 
tue. It implies that power will be so honest as to commit 
710 usurpation, and that the people will be so virtuous as 
to abstain from all violence, licentiousness and disorder? 
but this is supposing the very effect that government is in- 
stituted to secure. Hence the discrepancy between Mr. 
Jefferson's system and the highest attributes of the states- 
man: for he does not himself appear to have discovered the 
real nature and direct tendency of his own principles, hav- 
ing been driven into them without due consideration, by 
the impulse of French liberty, on the one hand, and the 
force of Mr. Adams' tory despotism on the otlier. In proof 
of this, we have many declarations under Mr. Jefferson's 
pen, which show that he had not considered the scientific 
principles of his system so profoundly as he had studied its 
impression on the minds of the people, and, seeing it well 
received by them, he determined to adhere to it. Washing- 
ton, on the contrary, only looked to the adaptation of his 
policy to the Constitution, and never, for a moment, sus- 
pected that the people could desire what the legitimate 
ends of government would not gratify or sanction; at least 
he never suspected it anterior to the French revolution; 
and when he did behold this new idea of government, he 
instantly resisted it, as subversive of law, order and secu- 
rity. So that, in effect, there was this diffierence between 
Washington and Jefferson, as statesmen, that the former 
rescued the republic from the chaos of the old confede- 



PARALLEL. 377 

RACY to the coercive government of the Federal Consti- 
tution, and the latter re-conducted us to the chaos of the 
confederacy through the currents of popular opinion, ideas 
of unbounded liberty, implicit confidence in the virtues of 
the people, and an unlimited faith in their intelligence and 
capacity for self-government. 

It is apparent that mere party differences would never 
have severed these eminent men. By party differences, I 
mean those which grew out of difference of opinion upon 
constitutional principles, or points of national policy. In 
this respect, very little essential variation of sentiment ob- 
tained between them. It was faction, not sound, whole- 
some and legitimate party, which fomented the mind of 
Jefferson against his great predecessor. It was the fermen- 
tation of passions wholly extraneous to our government, 
constitution and country, adopted by the latter in obedi- 
ence to the popular impulse, or at the dict^ite of his own 
antipathies. It is, therefore, to the greater credit of Wash- 
ington, that he never fell into the delu«ons, errors, or vices 
of faction; but kept his mind well poised upon great prin- 
ciples inherent in the Consti^ion, or substantial measures 
demonstrated by experience, to promote the prosperity and 
develope the resources o{ the nation; without heeding the 
voice of faction, whe-^fter it assumed tlie conciliatory tone 
of soft adulation, or the harsh sound of intimidating reproof; 
and his credit for this elevation of conduct is the greater, 
because tbe temptation to court popular favour was so 
powerful, and the consequence of losing it was so apt to 
terrify the juf^gment from its propriety. By thus resisting 
the lust of popularity, on the one hand, and the fear of pub- 
lic denupciation, on the other, he displayed the most sub- 
lime iroral grandeur of which the human mind is capable, 
whe-i it sacrifices to the stern dictates of duty every con- 
sideration of interest, ambition, fame, power and flattery. 
It was in this lofty disregard of all consequences, that 
Washington shone, on all occasions, with a lustre so su- 
perior to other men. 

How far Mr. Jefferson was correct in drawing the line 
of discrimination between physical and moral liberty, and 
striking at the emancipation of the human mind from the 
fetters of prejudice, interest, selfishness and other unworthy 
passions, it is not my present purpose to enquire; but it is 
a fact, that the great point of difference between him and 
Hh2 



378 PARALLEL. 

Washington, laj in this trait of his character, which carried 
him into theories and experiments, positions and principles, 
that involved him in a perpetual warfare of politics, religion, 
morals, and metaphysics. 

It cannot be doubted but that Jefferson lived into an era 
very different in its predominant characteristics from the 
political age in which Washington flourished as President. 
The epoch of Jeflerson was the second stage in our national 
existence, a stage of more refinement and luxury than that 
of Washington's time, a middle epoch between honesty and 
corruption which favoured duplicity and finesse, without 
plunging into open political debaucheries. Jefferson too, 
having been so long at the French court, assisted to pro- 
duce this lamentable laxity of the political moral sentiment 
of the people; and it is to this trait of his character that we 
are, perhaps, to refer his change of opinion as to the honesty 
of John Adan^i, when, with a credulity not common to old 
age, he believed A\ the palavering of that ' Mngloman,'' in 
vindication of his clwracter from the authorship of the alien 
and sedition laws; as it, as President, he could divest him- 
self of his constitutional responsibility for the measures of 
his administration. It must ev^r excite astonishment, that 
Jefferson could for a moment toUrate the idea of the irre- 
sponsibility of the Executive, by giVi-ag John Adams credit 
for his interested expurgation from l'i>e turpitude of the 
obnoxious laws of his Presidentship; receivinfr^is {pgg dixit 
in a matter where the strongest testimony woulA naturally 
become liable to cross examination, and reasonable distrust* 
but thus to admit Mr. Adams' pleading in his. own favour 
and in crimination of others unjustly, betrayed i^ Jefterson 
a credulity, or a lust of conciliating the good opin'i'^n of his 
rivals, which it is difficult to reconcile either to his ijhilo- 
sophical acumen, or to his sense of justice. True, he loHs 
us his motive, that he would not have the world think thewt 
political competition could beget personal hostility between 
him and a rival! Yet if it did produce personal feelings, 
it mattered not what the world should think of it, even sup- 
posing it possible to deceive ike world by such an artifice. 
But still there must always remain left a number of indi- 
viduals in the opposite party, with whom reconciliation is 
hopeless. Thus, though Jefferson became nominally re- 
conciled to John Adams, yet he died full of indignation and 
hatred against Timothy Pickering, and opened the grave 



PARALLEL. 



379 



of HamiltGYi to give a last blow to the dead lion. It was 
impossible to make the world believe what he did not be- 
lieve himself, that he cherished no personal animosity 
against his greatest political enemy and rival. The ferocity 
of party hatred between rivals has no limits but the gravej 
it assassinated Alexander Hamilton, it persecuted De Witt 
Clinton to death, it ostracised John C. Calhoun and Henry 
Clay, it did attempt to destroy Washington himself; and 
never will become less bitter while men are actuated by 
the passions that destroy their greatness. 

Both understood human nature well, and had studied 
man with success; but Washington had a peculiar intuition 
for penetrating to the true characters of men, and ascer- 
taining at a glance what objects they were best adapted to 
accomplish. His first cabinet has never been equalled in 
talent by any subsequent one; and his selection of Jef- 
ferson, as Secretary of State, evinces his extraordinary 
sagacity in immediately penetrating to the strong bias of 
men, and finding out for what station their talents best 
qualified them. In this faculty Washington was superior 
to Jefferson, although the latter was largely gifted with the 
same instinct of genius. 

A command over the passions of men — an intimate know- 
ledge with the springs of human actions — a power to stimu- 
late or restrain, direct, or control, the judgments and con- 
duct of others, has always been thought to imply the high- 
est scope of genius. This constituted a peculiar charm in 
the character of Washington, while Mr. Jefferson could 
boast of very little of it. It was this gift of genius which 
enabled Washington to keep his troops together, when with- 
out pay, provision, clothing or shelter, and thus save his 
country! Jefferson, in a certain measure possessed some 
of the same genius, but not of that exalted quality which 
distinguished the first President, who could reconcile men 
to the extreme of suffering from affection to his person, and 
reverence for his virtues. Mr. Jeff*erson's control and in- 
fluence was of rather an opposite character, as they followed 
him from motives of interest; and yet, in both cases, the 
object to be obtained was much the same, though the feel- 
ing of personal veneration may have been different. But 
this power over others in Washington, extended to all oc- 
casions, and all men, under every variety of situation, 
which was not the case with Mr, Jefferson. 



;8o 



PARALLEL. 



To counterbalance this disadvantage, Mr. Jefferson was 
more social, more companionable, more colloquial than his 
great predecessor: and hence he entertained a greater va- 
riety of guests, and practised a more extended hospitality: 
being not only the Magnus Apollo of all politicians of every 
grade, but the oracle of authors, schoolmasters, book-ma- 
kers, inventors, dreamers, schemers, and the whole tribe 
of those who claim affinity to Apollo, Minerva, Mercury, 
or Mammon. But this disposition had its attendant evilsj 
it seduced him into expenditures not justified by the in- 
come of his estate, and left him in his old age poor and 
embarrassed; when his political doctrines had, in a great 
measure, grown out of fashion, and his services to his 
country had to be recalled to the recollection of the age by 
the vigour and pathos of his own pen, in order to procure a 
law to dispose of his estate by lottery; a favour granted to 
all others, almost without solicitation, and for objects of the 
most frivolous nature. 

In respect to their personal economy, therefore. Wash' 
ington had more wisdom and prudence, and perhaps less 
hospitality and warmth of friendship; but he manifested his 
wisdom, in not leaving himself naked, to the cold ingrati- 
tude of a selfish world, and compelled to make appeals to 
his country, when that country had become deaf to his 
claims: and in this sense, the verdict of history seems to 
have ratified the distrust of Washington in the virtue of the 
people. There was this difference too, between them on 
this point, that Washington never received a cent of the 
people's money for his public services; while Mr. Jeff*erson 
obtained hundreds of thousands of dollars from the national 
treasury for his services to government; and which rendered 
his want of economy a perfect contrast to the wise liberality 
of expenditure practised by the father of his country. 

Without supposing Jefferson to have been actuated by 
sordid motives, which would be to suppose him divested of 
all laudable ambition, in his pursuit of the highest honours 
of the nation, it may be esteemed a reasonable cause of 
regret, that, like Washington, he did not decline all com- 
pensation: and yet a doubt may be started whether that 
country will not be less liable to corruption, that allows a 
liberal compensation to its public officers, instead of tempt- 
ing the rich to serve the people for nothing, and eventually 
subjecting the public honours to ht purchased by the opulent. 



PARALLEL. 381 

It was worthy of remark, even to the generations in 
which these great men flourished, that they diiiered as 
much in their exteriors as in their minds ; the apparel 
of Wasliington being adapted to his station and rank in 
life, equally free from ostentatious display and inappro- 
priate meanness; while that of Jefferson was far inferior 
to his rank, as if he even courted the applause of the 
people by seeming to approach to the condition of tlie la- 
bouring classes, by his coarse and plain clothes, often in 
direct contradiction to his rank, and obviously in designed 
contrast to the dresses of those whom he stigmatised as 
monarchists. In this fashion of extreme humility, he was 
imitated by other prominent men of the party, who were 
rallying their strength in opposition to TVashingion^ espe- 
cially by Albert Gcdfatin, and all those demagogues who 
hoped to make up for the hollowness of their hearts, by 
the popular cut and colour of tlieir garments; as if political 
orthodoxy resided in the texture of the cloth, and the folds 
of their mantles, instead of the texture of their miud^, and 
the honesty of their principles. Whatever virtue, however, 
resided in these plain republican coats, no affectation of it 
was attempted by Washington and his friends, who seemed 
perfectly willing to be judged by the virtues of the inward 
man; leaving their garments to the taste of the mercer and 
the skill of the taylor, with such criticisms as little minds 
might feel disposed to make on so small a subject. 

That Mr. Jefferson was deficient in that energy of cha- 
racter, which characterised his great predecessor, was shown 
by his forbearance to resent in a proper manner, the insult- 
ing aggressions of France and England, during the period 
of the Berlin and Milan decrees, and the attack on the 
Chesapeake; when the character of the republic sunk in his 
hands to the lowest point of pusillanimous dejection; and 
when a proper degree of vigour would have restored it to 
its wonted honour and fame. Washin<»ton, thouo-h careful 
at all times to shun war, never failed to extort the respect 
of foreign powers. 

Mr. Jefferson was more fortunate than W^ashington, in 
having his life protracted to an old age, which introduced 
him, as it were into the company oi' posterity, to behold the 
effects of tiie two systems of government which he had 
opposed as monarchiccd^ and which he had practised as re- 
publican; but which were, in tact, only two modes of the 



582 PARALLEL. 

same federal government! It was also his fortune to live 
to behold the victories on sea and land of the war of 1812; 
but he seems to have been insensible to his own agency in 
the production of many of the disasters which that war 
brought upon the country, and which were clearly to be 
traced to his system of depending on the militia in time 
of war, and his favourite theory of non-taxation^ and a total 
independence of the monied influence. As democrats were 
pledged by Jefferson, never to tax the people, the first con- 
sequence of the war was the prostration of public credit^ 
and the result of that was universal defeat on every quar- 
ter; while, at the same time, his State right doctrine found 
a practical illustration in the Hartford Convention, that 
struck oft* one-half of the fiscal resources and moral weight 
of the empire, from co-operating in the war. But, although 
Mr. Jeff'erson lived through all these bitter fruits of his 
erroneous policy, yet he does not appear to have been sen- 
sible that he was instrumental, as he indubitably was, in 
producing them: for they were the inevitable effects of the 
great democratic system which he so proudly displayed to 
the world, in his eloquent pen. But his correspondence 
furnishes no gleam of suspicion, that the force of such la- 
mentable experience ever shook the scales of political fana- . 
ticism from his eyes; for though he exults much in the 
splendour of our naval victories that wreathed gems of glory 
round the brows of our Bainhridge, our Decatur, and our 
Hull, yet he never seemed conscious of his own error of 
policy, in respect to our naval system, which would have 
reduced its actions to our harbours, and its seventy-fours 
to the cockle-shell dimensions of a gun-boat. 

How superior in this respect was Washington! — 'who 
founded public credit on a just system of taxation, as a 
source o^ revenue to pay the interest, and redeem the />nn- 
cipal — who, from experience, pronounced militia to be in- 
capable of waging protracted war — and who consolidated 
into a system that fisccd power without which war wants 
its sinews, and government its wheels. 

Thus the reaction caused by the Jefferson system only 
confirmed the wisdom of the Washington policy: and in 
the last extremity of disgrace and poverty, Madison was 
compelled to plan a nationcd bank of fifty millions capi- 
tal, to raise an army of 50,000 men, and to increase the 
navy to royal power and splendour; besides resorting to 



PARALLEL. 383 

STAMP ACTSj EXCISE LAWS, the FUNDING SYSTEM, national 
depreciated paper^ immense bands of government officers, 
and, in fine, with the exception of the alien and sedition 
laws, every feature of the federal policy. Thus, Jefferson 
lived to see Madison practise all that he had denounced as 
monarchy, corruption, and tyranny, in his federal prede- 
cessors. 

The great traits of Mr. Jefferson's character were deci- 
dedly modern; and he had nothing of the gothic left in his 
mind, after the era of 1793. Washington, on the contrary, 
evinced a disposition to cling to what was established; while 
Jefferson was at all times on the alert for revolution, inven- 
tion, improvement, looking to the intellectual perfectability 
of man; while the eyes of Washington were alone fixed upon 
the virtue and iiappiness of the human family. The mind of 
Jefferson was more active, more inquisitive, more exploring, 
more philosopliic, and aimed to abolish every abuse, civil 
and religious, which obstructed the march of the intellect to 
unshackled perfection. Learning more profound, and spe- 
culation more excursive, distinguished Jefferson, and opened 
to his view avenues for doubt, knowledge, abuse, and men- 
tal bondage than Washington ever dreamed of; for, as a 
philosopher, or a mere literary man, the great chief of the 
republic cannot compare with the sage of Monticello. Nor 
does the hero of Mount Vernon require any of the eclat of 
philosophy, or the schools, or unversities, or philosophical 
societies, to add to the unfading lustre of his imperishable 
name, or swell the limits of his boundless glory. 

The animosity of Jefferson towards every thing in any 
manner connected with kingcraft, or priestcraft, was one 
of the ruling passions of his mind, that never suffered 
change, or underwent mitigation. Had he lived in the 
time of Luther, he would have instigated to a schism in the 
church, or a total renunciation of Christianity; and had he 
been a subject of English King John, he would have stimu- 
lated the people to extort the Magna Charta from the king, 
or excited them to abolish the throne and forfeit the head 
of the monarch. There was that in him which, in any 
country, and any age, would never have remained quiet 
while power abused right, or oppression laughed at justice: 
and there was, too, within him that which prompted him to 
aspire to rule men, in virtue of having been gifted by na- 
ture with the requisite talents for their government. In all 



184 



PARALLEL* 



these traits of his mind, he differed essentially irom Wash- 
ington, who was disposed to acquiesce in systems already 
established; and who was wholly indifferent to the preva- 
lence of priestcraft, or the abuses of religion to the sinister 
purposes of human passion. The active spirit of the Re- 
former had no place in the nature of the hero of Mount 
Vernon, who being firmly attached to the democratical prin- 
ciples of the Constitution — which he had himself mainly as- 
sisted to establish, v/hich recognised the exercise of the 
equal rights of the people, and which brought the govern- 
ment into the very focus of the popular sovereignty — he 
seems to have been satisfied to promote the general happi- 
ness of mankind, through the regular medium which the 
people had devised and adopted for that purpose, in the 
plenary and unlimited exercise of their power. 

Aspiring to do something more for the people than the 
Constitution warranted, and imputing to the democratic 
federalists designs inimical to liberty, Mr. Jefferson pro- 
fessed to give the people a degree of freedom incompatible 
with government, and to assume the exclusive merit to 
himself of being a friend to the exercise of equal rights, 
and the enjoyment of human happiness. In the calm mo- 
ments of sober enquiry, and impartial reflection, he recalled 
the stigma, and disclaimed the arrogation, conceding to all 
his oppopents the merit of honest intentions, and the pos- 
session of principles favourable to human liberty, and con- 
servative of our republican constitution. 

In maintaining his judgment in the cool equipoise of 
reason, and his mind free from the fever of political fanati- 
cism, Washington was far superior to Jefferson, who on 
his part, fell irom the true glory of philosophy into all 
the cant, bigotry, and delusion of a vulgar enthusiast for 
the destruction of law and order. To have attained the 
standard of true philosophical dignity, which in general 
belonged to Washington, in virtue of his admirable mind, 
Jef!erson ought to have felt and practised the same political 
tolerance that he espoused in matters of religious opinions, 
and abstained equally from the fire and faggots of the poli- 
tical as he did of the religious fanatic: for a fanatic in party 
passions is far less excusable than a fimatic in religion — 
the former resembling a horse-jockey, and the latter a poor 
besotted monk. 

In this respect, when we contemplate the character of 



PARALLEL. 385 

Washington, we bow with instinctive reverence to the ma- 
jesty of reason, as well as virtue; and venerate the heart 
of that man who could modulate its tumultuous throbbings 
at the suggestion of patriotism and philosophy, rebuking 
faction from his presence, spurning from him its venom, 
its poison, and its vengeance — its degrading passions, and 
its debasing instruments — its insincere doublings — its si- 
mulating tortuosities — its unmanly deception — its fawning 
meanness, and its sycophantic adulation. Enthroned in 
truth, virtue, and patriotism, he required no altar of vulgar 
prejudices to smoke with the sacrifice of honesty and truth, 
to conciliate his pleasure, or appease his resentment — too 
strong in virtue, and too conscious of justice, to give favour 
as a boon, or receive flattery in commutation of right. 

It is, after all, in the moral grandeur of character that 
we are to look for that superiority, which entitles heroes and 
statesmen to the lasting esteem, applause and veneration 
of mankind, through all changes of time, and through all 
revolutions of empires. The system of government, or the 
mode of polity popular in one age may be execrated in ano- 
ther, as men sink to degeneracy, or soar higher in the scale 
of perfection; as taste varies, or fashions alter: but in Vir- 
tue there is a truth and a beauty that endures forever, the 
graces of which never fade, but charm all tastes in all ages, 
among all nations. Here we are constrained to confess 
that Washington bears away the palm from all competitors 
in the race of glory, being equally exempt from ambition 
and envy, avarice and hatred, revenge and cruelty, and 
free from all those personal vices whicli degrade our being, 
and detract from the intellectual excellence of man. It can 
be said of few men, as it may of Washington, that he never 
traduced another's fame, envied another's greatness, or at- 
tempted to pull down a rival, or obstruct his advancement 
by intrigue, fiction, insinuation, falsehood, or calumny; 
being not only negatively, but positively virtuous — uniting 
benevolence to justice, and doing in all cases to others as 
he would that others should do unto him. An empire lay 
at his command, but he disdained it at the price of virtue: 
a crown might have glittered on his brows, but he trampled 
the meretricious gem beneath his feet. A free people invited 
him to authority for life, but he rejected the offer, and re- 
tired to the quiet enjoyment of private life, presenting in 
every feature of his character that moderation, humility, 



886 PARALLEL. 

modesty, virtue, clemency^ and firmness, which constitutes 
the moral grandeur of genius^ and extorts the universal 
homage of mankind. 

From as full an investigation of the respective merits of 
these distinguished men as our limited talents would permit 
us to make^ and from as impartial an estimate of their prin- 
ciples and public services, as a total exemption from motive 
allows to the frailty of our nature — we are constrained to 
acknowledge that, in point of genius, wisdom, patriotism, 
and service to his country, Washington soars to a height of 
superiority that admits of no competitor, no rival, no equal; 
while Mr. Jefferson presents so many striking points of cha- 
racter, mingled with great genius, various erudition, expert 
statesmanship, and eccentric opinion, as at once to command 
admiration, and induce esteem; at the same time that his 
Versatile character, and singular doctrines, will lead to 
the interminable animosity, and inapppeasable dislike of a 
vast portion of mankind. In all stations, Washington Was 
incomparably great: in the range of his civil duties, Jeffer- 
son was always able. Both achieved great blessings for 
mankind : but Washington achieved greater for his country. 
In intellect, both were beyond the common standard of 
great men — in patriotism, both were undoubted- — in princi- 
ple, both were sound — in opinion, Washington was sincere, 
and Jefferson equivocal. Leisure and education made Jef- 
ferson a philosopher t business, and the calls of his country 
compelled Washington to keep the field of active life, and 
denied him the speculations of the closet; so that his entire 
existence was devoted to the practical labours of beneficent 
government. Envying no man, and coveting no power, he 
never rose by the fall of others; for fortune threw author- 
ity and honours into his lap, even contrary to his desire; 
and he was naturally prone to add to, instead of detracting 
from, the merits of others. As it relates to their political 
doctrines, I have been unable to discover that Jefferson 
was more of a democrat than Washington, or that Washino-- 
ton was more of a federalist than Jefferson, accordino- to the 
Constitution, as it was administered under their respective 
administrations. 

I now speak of them as statesmen — Washington was not 
a politician; and Jefferson was an ultra politician, who made 
a clamour about liberty when, Washington being in power, 
no want of it was experienced, and in a country where it was 



PARALLEL. 387 

enjoyed to the utmost extent of popular sovereignty. This 
was a mere personal, not a political difference between them. 
It w?is personal in Jefferson, in order to court the people to 
his support; but it meant nothing, and it could give them 
nothing but what they possessed; for how could he add to 
the FULLNESS OF LIBERTY.^ How could he fill a measure 
already overflowing? The difference between them was in 
iheinotive, not in the principle. It was necessary to impeach 
the patriotism of Washington in order to give himself merit; 
but the contrast produced was opposite to that which was 
desired; and but for, to him, the saving folly of John Adams, 
the reaction would have been fatal to the fame of Jefferson. 

Adams more than realised the fiction which Jefferson had 
created against his predecessor; and what was illusion in 
1793, became fact — palpable and tangible fact in 17981 
Adams, too, was an ultra politician, and he was the natural 
foil of another ultra politician of the radical school, who had 
only to restore the Constitution to its Washingtonian in^ 
tegrity, and his fallacies of liberty were supposed to have 
produced a revolution, which was solely accomplished by 
the simple operation of the national charter, in its legiti- 
mate rectitude- The non-ahusp. of the Constitution pro- 
duced universal exuberance of freedom; and fidelity to the 
principles of the revolution, constituted equally the merit 
of Washington and Jefferson. 

It was this fidelty which caused them both to administer 
the government to the satisfaction of the people, and the 
prosperity of the country; so that, in the lapse of time, and 
on mature reflection, it became difficult to detect those 
minute points of difference which had been engendered by 
the interference of foreign politics, having no relation to 
our Constitution and government; but which merely served 
as machines of detraction, by which parties could depre- 
ciate and criminate one another, without having any foun- 
dation beyond the inflamed passions of the moment. It 
was incident to the great mind of Washington, that he 
rejected the use, and repelled the intrusion of these foreign 
topics of incendiary faction, his sagacity having penetrated 
to their fallacious character, and his rigid sense of honesty 
and justice, having repudiated the use of all means to ac- 
complish an end not sanctified by morality and truth. On 
the other hand, every true American must lament, that it 
was incident to the peculiar situation and circumstances of 



388 PARALLEL. 

Mr. Jefferson, to harbour, cherish and apply to political 
purposes, a delusion too gross to receive the countenance of 
a philosopher J and to foment a foreign fanatacism, too pe- 
culiar to the country in which it originated, to permit its 
adoption without betraying an extravagance and inconsis- 
tency unbecoming an American statesman. But the lesson 
to be derived from the example, creates the clemency that 
extends a liberal indulgence to the error; while the efful- 
gence of his talents and patriotism throws into obscurity 
those minor spots of character which are lost in the blaze of 
the Declaration of Independence. 

In nothing is the human judgment so wanting in discri- 
mination, as in its proper appreciation of personal charac- 
ter. We are all prone to idolise those we admire, as per- 
fect beings, or to denounce those we dislike as monsters of 
deformity, whose blemishes are unredeemed by one beauty, 
or a solitary excellence. It is needless to observe that such 
a course wars equally against philosophy, common sense, 
and the obligations of justice between man and man; but 
we are bound to declare, that he who aspires to the dignity 
of a rational being, can only evince his title to that honour 
by learning to place a juster estimate upon human fallibility, 
and to confess that a man may be great without being fault- 
less, and that the splendour^ of his genius may justify all 
our admiration, without permitting us to fall into idolatry, 
or maintaining the preposterous idea of his infallible virtue. 

It is in this spirit of philosophical truth tliat I have en- 
deavoured to analyse the character of Jefferson; conscious 
that his intrinsic greatness was more than sufficient to com- 
pensate for his casual inconsistencies, or occasional dere- 
lictions; and confident that the affection of his devotees, 
however ardent, could not interpose the plea of perfection 
against the confession of frailty flowing from his own lips. 
History deals in facts, not affections; and, in all cases of 
controverted character, we appeal for a verdict to the head, 
even though the heart bleeds in announcing the sentence. 
While the same principle has regulated our estimate of the 
qualities of Washington, the absence of the same inconsis- 
tencies averted conclusions equally detractive, though still 
adverse to that superlative point of transcendent perfection 
which the votary claims for the idol of his devotion. Still, 
however, we behold, in the character of Washington, a 
man less imperfect than any other man, whom history has 



PARALLEL. 389 

delineated as the chief agent of sovereign power, as one 
who made up for the w ant of effulgent genius by the steady- 
splendour of his virtues, and the undeviating rectitude of 
his understanding! 

Admitting both to be men who had human frailties, man- 
kind must always concede them to have been very extra- 
ordinary models of their kind, not excelled by any whom 
ancient superstition has deified, or modern enthusiasm 
extolled as the prodigy of ag-es; and he, who calls himself 
an American, and does not feel his heart expand, and his 
chest swell with the just pride of a patriot, when he hears 
the name of irashington, or recals to mind the services of 
Jefferson^ must have a bosom too callous to be excited by 
greatness to admiration, or impressed by virtue to grati- 
tude, love and veneration. 

The American who loves his country, and feels conscious 
of the pride of patriotism, in the glory of its achievements, 
and the virtues of its fiithers, will exalt his views above the 
mists o{ party when he contemplates the greatness of these 
two illustrious founders of the republic, and decree them, 
accordingly, that ample and unmixed measure of fame to 
which they'are both entitled as American statesmen; who, 
inhaling the breath o^ genius at their birth, gave more than 
royal dignity to the obscure cradles of the cottages in -which 
they were born, and from which they emerged to supreme 
power, by the force of virtue and talents pre-eminent among 
men, through the spontaneous suffrages of a free and en- 
lightened people. Upheld by principles of eternal truth, 
and made memorable by deeds of lasting utility, their 
names are consecrated to perpetual veneration in the hearts 
of a grateful posterity, who never can forget their virtues 
"while they enjoy its fruits, nor cease to emulate as long as 
they continue to appreciate their patriotism. 



THE END. 






■'! 



ERRATA. 

Page 96, third paragraph, ' Virginia' is added erroneously to the 

five States that originally appointed delegates to the Convention. 

The next paragraph will lead the reader to correct the error. 
Page 315, in note, fourth line from bottom, for ' ox John Adams,' 

read 'with John Adams.' 
Page 320, fourteenth line, for 'ruling whose passion,' read 'whose 

ruling passion.' 



UBB^OFCONGBESS 




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